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Anhang und Register

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Fremdsprachige Zitate

Die fremdsprachigen Zitate, die im Text in deutscher Übersetzung gebracht wurden, werden hier nach der Marxschen Handschrift wiedergegeben. Das betrifft auch solche Zitate, die Marx nicht vollständig ins Deutsche übersetzt hat. Unterstreichungen werden wie im Haupttext durch Kursivschrift, Doppelunterstreichungen durch gesperrte Kursivschrift hervorgehoben. Offensichtliche Schreibfehler werden stillschweigend korrigiert. Wesentliche Abweichungen gegenüber dem Original sind in Fußnoten vermerkt.

Achtes Kapitel

17 "In F l a n d e r s" (belgischen) "d u n g and hay are in these parts imported from Holland" (für den Flachsbau etc. Dagegen führen sie aus Flachs, linseed etc.) "Der refuse in Dutch towns is a matter of trade, and is regularly sold at high prices to Belgium. At about 20 miles from Antwerp, up the Scheide, the reservoirs may be seen for the manure that ; is brought from Holland. The trade is managed by a Company of capitalists, on Dutch boats" etc. (Banfield [5].)

18 "Le propriétaire fournit le domaine, les bâtimens, et ordinairement tout ou partie du bétail et des instrumens nécessaires à l'exploitation; le colon, de son côté, apporte son travail, et rien ou presque rien de plus; les produits de la terre se partagent par moitié.» (Mathieu de Dombasle, "Annales agricoles" etc. Paris 1828, 4te livraison, p. 301.) "Les colons partiaires sont généralement des hommes plongés dans la misère" (p. 302). "Wenn der métayer un accroissement de produit brut de 1500 frs. erhielt, au moyen d'une avance de 1000 frs." (also 500 frs. Bruttogewinn), "muß er zur Hälfte teilen mit dem propriétaire, zieht also 750, verliert also 250 frs. von seinen avancen." (p. 304.)

"Dans l'ancien système de culture, la dépense ou les frais de production sont pris presque entièrement sur les produits eux-mêmes en nature, par la consommation des bestiaux, du cultivateur et de sa famille; il ne se fait presque aucune dépense en écus.

Nur dieser Umstand a pu donner lieu de croire que le propriétaire et le colon pouvaient partager entre eux tout le produit des récoltes qui n'est pas consomme dans l'exploitation; aber dieser Prozeß nur applicable diesem genre d'agriculture, d.h. der a g r i c u l t u r e m i s é r a b l e; aber sobald man eine Verbesserung der Agrikultur anbringen will, merkt man, daß dies nur möglich durch quelques avances dont il faul réserver le montant sur le produit brut, pour l'appliquer à la production de l'année suivante, en sorte que tout partage du produit brut, entre le propriétaire et le colon, forme un obstacle insurmontable à toute amélioration." (l.c.p. 307.)

105 "Wider das Austrocknen von Sümpfen, improving von woods, inclosing von commons, sowing of St.Foyne and Clovergrass, wird gemurrt von den landlords, as the way to depress the price of victuals." ([Petty] "Polit. Arith.", Lond. 1699, p. 230.)

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106 "Renten mögen fallen in some places, and some counties, und doch der Grund und Boden der Nation" (er meint den Bodenwert)

"improve all the while z.B. wenn parks are disparked und Wälder und commons are taken in, and enclosed; when Fen-Lands are drained, und wenn viele Teile" (des Landes) "durch Industrie und manuring 1*) verbessert werden, it must certainly depretiate that ground which has been improved to the füll before und keiner weitren Verbeßrung fähig ist. So sinkt das Renteinkommen der Privaten, aber die general rent des kingdom hebt sich durch solche improvements gleichzeitig" (p. 26, 27). "1666-1688 fielen die private rents, aber das Rise in the kingdomes general rental was in proportion größer während dieser Zeit als in den vorhergehenden Jahren, weil the improvements upon land were greater and more universal, between those two periods, than at any time before" (p. 28, D'Avenant, "Discourses on the Publick Revenues etc.", Part II, London 1698).

Neuntes Kapitel

115 "Das Gesetz von 1773", ..., "ging von der a v o w e d intention aus, den Kornpreis für unsere manufacturers zu erniedrigen, um durch encouragement of Foreign importation unser eigenes Volk at a cheaper rate zu setzen." (p.50, [Andersen] "A calm Investigation of the circumstances that have led to the present scarcity of grain in Britain", London 1801.)

118 "I shall greatly regret that c o m i d e r a t i o n s f o r a n y p a r t i c u l a r c l a s s, are allowed to check the progress of the wealth and population of the coüntry." (p. 49, Ricardo, "An Essay on the Influence of a low Price of Corn on the Profits of Stock etc.", London 1815. 2nd ed.)

118 "That s o m e c a p i t a l w o u l d b e l o s t cannot be disputed, but i s t h e p o s s e s s i o n o r p r e s e r v a t i o n o f c a p i t a l the end, or the means? The means, undoubtedly. What we want is a n a b u nd a n c e o f c o m m o d i t i e s," ... "and if it could be proved that by t h e s a c r i f i c e o f a p a r t o f o u r c a p i t a l w e s h o u l d a u g m e n t t h e a n n u a l p r o d u c e" (die jährliche Produktion) "of those objects which contribute to our enjoyment and happiness, we ought not to repine a t t h e l o s s o f a p a r t o f o u r c a p i t a l." (p. 60, "On Protection to Agriculture", 4th ed., London 1822.)

118 "To an individual with a capital of 20 000 l., whose profits were 2000 l. per annum, it would be a matter quite indifferent whether his capital would employ a hundred or a thousand men, whether the commodity produced, sold for 10 000 l., or for 20 000 l., provided, in all cases, his profits were not diminished below 2000 l. Is not the real interest of the nation similar? Provided its net real income, its rent and profits be the same, it is of no importance whether the nation consists of 10 or of 12 millions of inhabitants." (p. 416, "Principles of Political Economy", 3d. ed.)

129 "In an improved State of agriculture produce may be raised on the second or third quality of land at as little cost as is could under the old System upon the first quality." (Sir Edw. West, "Price of Corn and Wages of Labour", Lond. 1826, p. 98.)

129 "Das principle of competition macht 2 rates of profit unmöglich in demselben Land; aber das bestimmt die r e l a t i v e r e n t s, aber nicht den g e n e r a l a v e r a g e o f r e n t." (p. 30, Th. Hopk[ins],' "On Rent of Land, and its Influence on Subsistence and Population", London 1828.)

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1*) In der Handschrift: manufacturing

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129 "If a l l labourers were employed for the same end, or object, as the diamond cutter and the opera singer, in a short time there would be no w e a l t h to subsist them, because n o n e o f t h e w e a l t h p r o d u c e d w o u l d t h e n b e c o m e c a p i t a l. If a considerable proportion were so employed, wages would be low; because, but a comparatively small part of what was produced would be used as capital; but if only a few of the labourers were so employed, and, of course, nearly all were ploughmen, shoemakers, weavers etc., then much capital would be produced, and wages c o u l d be proportionally high." (l.c.p. 84, 85.) "With the diamond cutter and the singer, must be classed all those who labour for the landlords, or annuitants, and who receive a part of their income as wages: all, in fact, whose labours t e r m i n a t e merely in producing those things which gratify landlords and annuitants, and who receive in return for their labours, a part of the rent of the landlord, or of the income of the annuitant. These are all productive labourers, but all their labours are for the purpose of converting the wealth which exists, in the shape of rents and annuities, into some other form, that shall, in that other form, more gratify the landlord and annuitant, and therefore they are s e c o n d a r y producers. All other labourers are p r i m a r y producers." (l.c.p. 85.)

130 "In Irland nach mäßiger Berechnung und dem Zensus von 1821 das whole net produce, das an den landlord geht, government and tithe-owners 20 3/4 Millionen l., "die whole wages aber nur 14 114 000 l." (Hopkins, l.c.p. 94.)

130 "Die cultivators" in Italy "zahlen im allgemeinen 1/2 und eben mehr als 1/2 des produce als Rent an den landlord bei moderate skill in agriculture und a scanty supply of fixed capital.

Der größte Teil der population besteht aus secondary producers und landlords und generally the primary producers are a poor and degraded class." (p. 101, 102.)

130) "Derselbe case in Frankreich unter Louis XIV. [XV. und XVI.]. Nach Young 140 905 304 l. in rent, tithes und taxes. Dabei Ackerbau miserabel. Die Population Frankreichs damals 26 363 074.

Wenn selbst 6 millions of labouring population, was zu large, hätte jede family zu liefern gehabt, jährlich, direkt oder indirekt, an average von about 23 l. of net wealth to the landlords, the church, and the government. Nach Youngs Angaben, noch allerlei in Anschlag gebracht, kommt auf die Arbeiterfamilie jährlich 42 l. 10 sh. Produkt, 23 davon paid away to others, und 19 l. 10 sh. remained to subsist itself." (l.c.p. 102-104.)

133 "The error of Mr. Malthus and his followers is to be found in the assumption, that a reduction of the labouring population would n o t be followed by a c o r r e s p o n d e n t r e d u c t i o n o f c a p i t a l!" (l.c.p. 118.) "Herr Malthus vergißt, daß die demand limited by the m e a n s o f p a y i n g w a g e s und" daß "diese means do not arise spontaneously, but are always p r e v i o u s l y c r e a t e d b y l a b o u r." (l.c.p. 122.)

133 "Sonderbar diese strong inclination to represent n e t wealth as b e n e f i c i a l to the labouring class, because it gives e m p l o y m e n t! though it is evidently ¦¦509¦ not on account of being n e t, that it has that power, but because it is w e a l t h, - that w h i c h h a s b e e n b r o u g h t i n t o e x i s t e n c e b y l a b o u r: while simultaneously, an additional quantity of labour is represented as i n j u r i o u s to the labouring classes, though that labour produces 3x as much as it consumes" (l.c.p. 126).

133 "If by the use of superior machinery, the whole primary produce could be raised from 200 to 250 or 300, while n e t wealth and pro fit took only 140, klar, that there would remain as a fund for the wages of the primary pro ducers 110 or 160 instead of 60." (l.c.p. 128.)

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133 "The condition of labourers is rendered b a d either by crippling their productive power, or by taking from them what they have produced." (l.c.p. 129.)

133 "No says Mr. Malthus, "the w e i g h t o f y o u r b u r t h e n has nothing whatever to do with your distress; that arises solely there being t o o m a n y p e r s o n s c a r r y i n g it'." (l.c.p. 134.)

133 "In the general principle, that c o s t o f p r o d u c t i o n regulates the exchangeable value of all commodities, o r i g i n a l m a t e r i a l s are not included; but the claim which the o w n e r s of these have upon produce, causes r e n t to enter into value." (p. 11. Th. Hopkins, "Economical Enquiries relative to the Laws which regulate Rent, Profit, Wages, and the Valut of Money", London 1822.)

133 "R e n t, or a charge for use, arises naturally out of o w n e r s h i p, or the estabhshment of a r i g h t o f p r o p e r t y." (l.c.p.13.)

133 "Anything may yield a rent if it is possessed of the following qualities: - First, it must exist in a degree of scarcity; secondly, it must have the power to aid labour in the great work of production." (l.c.p. 14.)

133 ... "where land so plentiful, c o m p a r e d w i t h t h e l a b o u r a n d s t o c k to be employed upon it," ... "that no charge for rent could be made, because it was not scarce." (l.c.p. 21.)

134 "In einigen Ländern kann der Lord 50% ausquetschen, in andren nicht 10. In den fruchtbaren Gegenden des Ostens man can subsist upon 1/3 des produce of his labour employed upon the land; but in parts of Switzerland and Norway, an exaction of 10% might depopulate the country ... we see no n a t u r a l bounds to the rent that may be exacted, but in the limited abilities of the payers" (p. 31) ... "when inferior soils exist, t h e c o m p e t it i o n o f t h o s e i n f e r i o r s o i l s a g a i n s t t h e s u p e r i o r." (p. 33, 34.)

134 "In England viel common land, the natural fertility of which is equal to what a large part o f t h e l a n d n o w c u lt i v a t e d w a s, p r i o r t o i t s b e i n g t a k e n i n t o c u l t i v a t i o n; and yet t h e e x p e n s e o f h i n g i n g s u c h c o m m o n l a n d s i n t o c u l t i v a t i o n is so great, as t o c a u s e t h e m n o t t o y i e l d t h e o r d i n a r y i n t e r e s t f o r t h e m o n e y e x p e n d e d i n i m p r o v i n g t h e m, leaving n o t h i n g a s r e n t f o r t h e n a t u r a l f e r t i l i t y o f t h e s o il: and this with all the advantages of an immediate application of labour, aided by stock skilfully applied, and furnished with manufactures cheaply produced; außerdem good roads in der Nachbarschaft etc. ... The present land proprietors may be considered t h e o w n e r s o f a l l t h e a c c u m u l at e d l a b o u r w h i c h h a s f o r a g e s b e e n e x p e n d e d, i n br i n g i n g t h e c o u n t r y t o i t s p r e s e n t p r o d u c t i v e s t a t e." (l.c.p.

35.)

135 "A s t r e a m, favourably situated, furnishes an instance of a rent being paid for an appropriated gift of nature, of as exclusive a kind as any that can be named. This is well understood in manufacturing districts, where considerable rents are paid for small streams of water, particularly if the fall is considerable. The power obtained from such streams being equal to that afforded by large steam-engines, it is as advantageous to use them, though subject to the payment of a heavy rent, as it is to expend large sums in the erection and working of steam-engines. Of streams, too, there are some larger, some smaller. Contiguity to the seat of manufacture is also an advantage which commands a higher rent. In the counties of York and Lancaster there is probably a much greater difference between the rents paid for the smallest and the largest streams of water, than there is between the rents paid for 50 of the least and 50 of the most fertile acres that are in common cultivation." (Hopkins, l.c.p. 37, 38.)

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140 "Unter einem judicious System of management, kann die Produktivität des Bodens be made to augment, from year to year, for a succession of time to which no limit can be assigned, till at last it may be made to attain a degree of productiveness, of which we cannot, perhaps, at this time conceive an idea." ([Anderson, "A calm Investigation ...",] p. 35. 36.)

141 "Dies kann mit Sicherheit gesagt werden, daß die present population so unbedeutend ist, verglichen mit der, die dies Eiland unterhalten kann, daß sie weit below any degree of serious consideration." (p. 37.)

141 "Wherever population increases the produce of the country must be augmented along with it, unless s o m e m o r a l i n f l u e n c e i s p e r m i t t e d to derange the economy of nature." (p. 41.)

141 "It is not the rent of the land that determines the price of its produce, but it is the price of that produce which determines the rent of the land, although the price of that produce is often highest in those countries where the rent of land is lowest." ...

"This seems to be a paradox that deserves to be explained. In every country there is a variety of soils, differing considerably from one another in point of fertility. These we shall at present suppose arranged into different classes, which we shall denote by the letters A, B, C, D, E, F etc., the class A comprehending the soils of the greatest fertility, and the other letters expressing different classes of soils, gradually decreasing in fertility as you recede from the first. Now, as t h e e x p e n s e o f c u l t i v a t i n g t h e l e a s t f e r t i l e s o d i s a s g r e a t o r g r e a t e r t h a n t h a t o f t h e m o s t f e r t i l e f i e l d, it necessarily follows, that i f a n e q u a l q u a n t i t y o f c o r n, t h e.. p r o d u c e o f e a c h f i e l d, c a n b e s o l d a t t h e s a m e p r i c e, the profit on cultivating the most fertile soil must be much greater than that of cultivating the others"; ... "and as this continues to decrease" ... "as the sterility increases, it must at length h a p p e n that the e x p e r i e n c e o f c u l t i v a t i n g some of the inferior classes will e q u a l t h e v a l u e o f t h e w h o l e p r o d u c e." ([Anderson, "An enquiry into the nature of corn laws ...", Edinburgh 1777,] p. 45-48.)

142 ... "infinite diversity of soils" zum Teil daher, daß diese "soils may be so much altered from their original state by the modes of culture they have been formerly subjected to, by the manures" etc. (p. 5, [Anderson] "An Inquiryinto the Causes etc.", Edinburgh 1779.)

143 ... "Where there are two fields, the produce of which is nearly as above stated, nämlich das eine 12 bushels remunerating the expense, das andere 20, without requiring any i m m ed i a t e o u t l a y f o r t h e i r i m p r o v e m e n t, the farmer would pay even more rent than 6 bushels f.i. for the latter, während keine für das andre. Wenn 12 bushels just sufficient for the expense of cultivating, no rent whatever can be afforded for c u l t i v a t e d land that yields only 12 bushels." (p. 107-109, vol. III, [Anderson] "Essays relating to agriculture and rural affairs". Edinburgh-London 1775-1796.)

143 "Yet it cannot be expected that, if the superior produce has been i m m e d i a t e l y o c c a s i o n e d by his own outlay of capital, and exertions of industry, he c a n pay nearly the same p r o p o r t i o n of it as rent: but after the land has been f o r s o m e t i m e i n a p e r m a n e n t s t a t e o f f e r t i l i t y t o t h a t d e g r e e, though it even o r i g i n a l l y d e r i v e d t h a t f e r t i l i t y from his own industry, he will be Content to pay such a proportion of rent as is here stated." (l.c.p. 109, 110.)

150) "T h e p r o d u c e o f t h e e a r t h - all that is derived from its surface by the united application of labour, machinery, and capital, is divided among three classes of the Community; namely, the proprietor of the land, the owner of the stock or capital necessary for its cultivation,

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and the labourers by whose industry it is cultivated." ([Ricardo] "Princ. of Pol. Ec.", Preface, 3d ed. London 1821.)

150 "But in different stages of society, the proportions of t h e w h o l e p r o d u c e of the earth which will be allotted to each of these classes, under the names of rent, profit and wages, will be essentially different." (l.c.)

155 "La rente, dans le sens de Ricardo, est la propriété foncière à l'état bourgeois: c'est-à-dire la propriété féodale qui a subi les conditions de la production bourgeoise." ([Marx,] p. 156, "Misère de la Phil.", Paris 1847.)

155 "Ricardo, après avoir supposé la production bourgeoise comme nécessaire pour déterminer la rente, l'applique néanmoins à la propriété foncière de toutes les époques et de tous les pays. Ce sont là les errements de tous les économistes, qui représentent les rapports de la production bourgeoise comme des catégories éternelles." (l.c.p. 160.)

155 "Les terres capitaux peuvent etre a u g m e n t é e s tout aussi bien que tous les autres instruments de production. On n'y ajoute rien à la matière, pour parier le langage de M.Proudhon, mais on m u l t i p l i e l e s t e r r e s q u i s e r v e n t d' i n s t r u m e n t d e p r o d u c t i o n.

Rien qu'à appliquer à des terres déjà transformées en moyen de production de secondes mises de Capital, on augmente la terre capital sans rien ajouter à la terre matière, c'est-à-dire à l'étendue de la terre." (l.c.p. 165.)

155 "En premier lieu, on ne peut pas, comme dans l'industrie manufacturiere, m u l t i p l i e r à v o l o n t e l e s I n s t r u m e n t s d e p r o d u c t i o n d u m e m e d e g r e d e p r o d u c t i v i t e, c'est-à-dire les terrains du même degré de fécondité. Puis, à mesure que la population s'accroît, on en vient à exploiter des terrains d'une qualité inférieure, ou à faire sur le même terrain de nouvelles mises de capital proportionellement moins productives que les premières." (l.c.p. 157.)

Zehntes Kapitel

158 "It is not the rent of the land that determines the p r i c e of its produce, but it is the p r i c e of that produce which determines the rent of the land" [Anderson, "An enquiry into the nature of corn laws...", Edinburgh 1777, p. 45.]

159 "The notion of agriculture yielding a produce, and a rent in consequence, because nature concurs with human industry in the process of cultivation, is a mere fancy. It is not from the produce, but from the price at which the produce is sold, that the rent is derived; and this price is got not because nature assists in the production, but because it is the price which suits the consumption to the supply." [Buchanan in Smith, "An inquiry into the nature and causes of the ulealth of nation", vol. II, Edinburgh 1814, p. 55, note.]

163 "Mr. Ricardo's System is one of discords ... its whole tends to the production of h o s t i l i t y a m o n g c l a s s e s and nations ... His book is the true manual of the demagogue, who seeks power by means of agrarianism, war, and plunder." (p.74, 75 H.[C.] Carey, "The Past, the Present, and the Future", Philadelphia 1848.)

165 "It remams" ... "however to be considered, whether the appropriation of land, and the consequent creation of rent, will occasion any Variation in the relative value of commodities, independently of the quantity of labour necessary to production." (p. 53, [Ricardo] "Princ. of Pol. Ec.", 3d edit., Lond. 1821.)

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167 "It is the comparative quantity of commodities which labour will produce, that produces 1*) their present or past r e l a t i v e v a l u e." (l.c.p. 9.)

167) "Two commodities vary in r e l a t i v e v a l u e, and we wish to know in which the V a r i a t i o n has taken place." (p. 9.)

168 "The inquiry to which I wish to draw the reader's attention, relates to the effect of the v a r i a t i o n s i n t h e r e l a t i v e v a l u e o f c o m m o d i t i e s, and not in their a b s o l u t e v a l u e." (p. 15.)

169 "Instead of regarding" ... "value as a relation between two objects, they" (Ricardo and his followers) "consider it as a positive result produced by a definite quantity of labour." ([Bailey, "A critical dissertation...",] p. 30.)

169 ... "value, as something intrinsic and absolute." (l.c.p. 8.)

170 "Not only the labour applied immediately to commodities affects their value, but the labour also which is bestowed on the implements, tools, and buildings, with which such labour is assisted." ([Ricardo, "On t h e p r i n c i p l e s o f p o l it i c a l e c o n o m y ...", London 1821,] p. 16.)

173 "In every state of society, the tools, implements, buildings, and machinery employed in different trades may be of v a r i o u s d e g r e e s o f d u r a b i l i t y, and may require d i f f e r e n t p o r t i o n s o f l a b o u r t o p r o d u c e t h e m." (l.c.p. 25.)

174 "The proportions, too, in which the capital that is to support labour" (das variable Kapital) "and the capital that is invested in tools, machinery, and buildings" (fixes Kapital) "may be v a r i o u s l y c o m b i n e d." Wir haben also einen "difference in the d e g r e e o f d u r a b i l i t y o f f i x e d c a p i t a l, and this variety in the proportions in which t h e t w o s o r t s o f c a p i t a l m a y b e c o m b i n e d". (p. 25.)

174 "The food and clothing consumed by the labourer, the buildings in which he works, the implements with which his labour is assisted, are all of a p e r i s h a b l e n a t u r e. There is however a vast difference in the time for which these different capitals will endure... According as capital is rapidly perishable, and requires t o b e f r e q u e n t l y r e p r od u c e d, or is of slow consumption, it is classed under the heads of circulating, or of fixed capital." (p. 26.)

174 "It is also to be observed that the c i r c u l a t i n g capital may c i r c u l a t e, or be r e t u r n e d t o i t s e m p l o y e r, in v e r y u n e q u a l t i m e S. The w h e a t b o u g h t b y a f a r m e r t o s o w is comparatively a fixed capital to the wheat purchased by a baker to make into loaves. One leaves it in the ground, and can obtain no return for a year; the other can get it ground into flour, sell it as bread to his customers, and have his capital free to renew the same, or commence any other employment in a week." (p. 26, 27.)

175 "Two trades then may employ t h e s a m e a m o u n t o f c a p i t a l; but it may be very differently divided with respect to the portion which is fixed, and that which is circulating." (p. 27.)

175 "Again two manufacturers may employ the same amount of fixed, and the same amount of circulating capital; but the d u r a b i l i t y o f t h e i r f i x e d c a p i t a l s" (···) "may be very unequal. One may have steam-engines of the value of 10 000 l., the other, ships of the same value." (p. 27. 28.)

175 "Different degrees of durability of ... capitals, or, which is the same thing ... o f t h e t i m e w h i c h m u s t e l a p s e before one set of commodities can be brought to market." (p. 30.)

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1*) Bei Ricardo: determines

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175 "It is hardly necessary to say, that commodities which have t h e s a m t q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r b e s t ow e d u p o n t h e i r p r o d u c t i o n, will differ in exchangeable value, if they cannot be brought t o m a r k e t i n t h e s a m e t i m e." (p. 34.)

175 "Suppose I employ twenty men at an expense of 1000 l. for a year in the production of a commodity, and at the end of the year I employ twenty men again for another year, at a further expense of 1000 l.in finishing or perfectmg the same commodity, and that I bring it to market at the end of two years, if p r o f i t s h e 10 p.c., my commodity must sell for 2310 l.; for I have employed 1000 l. capital for one year, and 2100 l. capital for one year more. Another man employs precisely the same quantity of labour, but he employs it all in the first year; he employs forty men at an expense of 2000l., and at the end of the first year he sells it with 10 p.c. profit, or for 2200l. Here then are two commodities h a v i n g p r e c i s e l y t h e s a m e q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r b e s t o w e d o n t h e m, one of which sells for 2310 l. - the other for 2200 f." (p. 34.)

176 ... "t h i s d i f f e r e n c e... and v a r i e t y i n t h e p r o p o r t i o n s etc. i n t r o d u c e a no t h e r c a u s e, besides the greater or less quantity of labour necessary to produce commodities, for the variations in their relative value - t h i s c a u s e i s t h e r i s e o r f a l l i n t h e v a l u e o f l a b o u r." (p. 25, 26.)

176 "A rise in the wages of labour cannot fail to affect unequally, c o m m o d i t i e s produced under such dnferent circumstances." (p. 27.)

177 "Suppose two men employ one hundred men each for a year in the construction of two machines, and another man employs the same number of men in cultivatmg corn, each of the machines at the end of the year will be of the same value as the corn, for they will each be produced by the same quantity of labour. Suppose one of the owners of one of the machines to employ it, with the assistance of one hundred men, the following year in making cloth, and the owner of the other machine to employ his also, with the assistance likewise of one hundred men, in making cotton goods, while the farmer continues to employ one hundred men as before in the cultivation of corn. During the second year they will all have employed the same quantity of labour" ..., "but the goods and machine together ¦¦532¦ of the clothier and also of the cotton manufacturer, will be the result of the labour of two hundred men, employed for a year; or, rather, of the labour of one hundred men for two years; whereas the corn will be produced by the labour of one hundred men for one year, consequently if the corn be of the value of 500 l. the machine and cloth of the clothier together, ought to be of the value of 1000 l. and the machine and cotton goods of the cotton manufacturer, o u g h t t o b e a l s o o f t w i c e t h e v a l u e o f t h e c o r n. But t h e y w i l l b e o f m o r e t h a n t w i c e the value o f t h e corn, for t h e p r o f i t o n t h e c l o t h i e r' s a n d c o t t o n m a n uf a c t u r e r' s c a p i t a l f o r t h e f i r s t y e a r h a s b e e n a d d e d t o t h e i r c a p it a l s, while that of the farmer has been expended and enjoyed.

On account then o f t h e d i f f e r e n t d e g r e e s o f d u r a b i l i t y o f t h e i r c a p i t a l s, or, which is the same thing, on a c c o u n t o f the time which must elapse before one set of commodities can be brought to market, they will be valuable, not exactly in p r o p o rt i o n t o t h e q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r b es t o w e d o n t h e m, - they will not be as two to one, but something more, t o c o m p e n s a t e for the greater length of time which must elapse before the most valuable can be brought to market. Suppose that for the labour of each workman 50 l. per annum were paid, or that 5000 l. capital were employed and P r o f i t s w e r e 1 0 p e r c e n t., the value of each of the machines as well as of the corn, at the end of the first year, would be 5500 l. The second year the manufacturers and farmers will again employ 5000 l. each in the Support of labour, and will therefore again sell their goods for 5500 l.; but the men using the machines, to b e o n a p a r w i t h t h e f a r m e r, must not only obtain 5500 l., for the equal

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capitals of 5000 l. employed on labour, but they must obtain a further s u m o f 5 5 0 l.; f o r t h e p r o f i t o n 5 5 0 0 l. w h i c h t h e y h a v e i n v e s t e d i n m a c h i n e r y, and c o n s e q u e n t l y" (...) "their goods must s e i l f o r 6 0 5 0 l." ... "Here then are capitalists employing precisely the s a m e q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r a n n u a l l y on the production of their commodities, and yet t h e g o o d s t h e y p r o d u c e d i f f e r i n v a l u e o n a c c o u n t o f t h e d i f f e r e n t q u a n t i t i e s o f f i x e d c a p it a l, or accumulated labour, employed by each respectively." ... "The cloth and cotton goods are of the same value, because they are the produce of equal quantities of labour, and equal quantities of fixed capital; but corn is not of the s a m e v a l u e" ... "as these commodities, b e c a u s e i t i s p r o d u c e d, a s f a r a s r e g a r d s f i x e d c a p i t a l, u n d e r d i f f e r e n t c i r c u ms t a n c e s." (p. 29-31).

180... "the goods they" (the cottonmanufacturer and the farmer)

"produce differ in value on a c c o u n t o f t h e d i f f e r e n t q u a n t i t i e s o f f i x e d c ap i t a l, or accumulated labour, employed by each respectively." (p. 31.)

181 "Here then are two capitalists employing precisely the same q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r a n n u a l l y in the production of their commodities, and yet the goods they produce differ in value." (p. 30, 31.)

182 "Here then are capitalists employing precisely the same quantity of" (immediate, living) "labour annually on the production of their commodities, and yet the goods they produce differ in value" (i.e. have cost-prices different from their values) "on account of the different quantities of... accumulated labour, employed fay each respectively." (p. 30, 31.)

183 "But they" (the cottons) "w i l l b e o f m o r e t h a n t w i c e t h e v a l u e o f t h e c o r n, for the p r o f i t ... on the c o t t o n m a n u f a ct u r e r' s c a p i t a l f o r t h e f i r s t y e a r has been added to his capital, while that of the farmer has been expended and enjoyed."(...) "On a c c o u n t t h e n o f t h e d i f f e r e n t d e g r e e s o f d u r a b i l i t y o f t h e i r c a p i t a l s, o r, which is the same thing, on account of the time which must elapse before one set of commodities can be brought to market, they will be valuable, not exactly in proportion to the quantity of labour bestowed on them,

- they will not be as two to one, but something more, to compensate for the greater length of time which must elapse before the most valuable can be brought to market." (p. 30.)

185 "Suppose I employ twenty men at an expense of 1000 l. for a year in the production of a commodity, and at the end of the year I employ twenty men agam for another year, at a further expense of 1000 l. in finishing or perfecting the same commodity, and that I bring it to market at the end of two years, if profits be 10 p.c., my commodity must sell for 2310 l.; f o r I have employed 1000 l. capital for one year, and 2100 l. capital for one year more. Another man employs precisely the same quantity of labour, bul he employs it all in the first year; he employs forty men at an expense of 2000 l., and at the end of the first year he sells it with 10 p.c. p r o f i t, or for 2200 l. Here then are two commodities having precisely the same quantity of labour bestowed on them, one of which sells for 2310 l. - the other for 2200 l. This case a p p e a r s to differ from the last, but is, i n f a c t, the same." (p. 34, 35.)

187 "The difference in value arises in both cases from the p r o f i t s being accumulated as capital, and is only a j u s t c o m p e n s a t i o n" (...) "f o r t h e t i m e t h a t t h e p r o f i t s w e r e w i t h h e l d." (p. 35.)

190 "Ricardo hat nicht nur gezeigt, daß es unmöglich ist für einen rise of wages den Preis a l l e r Waren zu heben, sondern daß in vielen Fällen ein rise o f w a g e s notwendig führt zu einem f a l l o f p r i c e s und ein f a l l o f w a g e s zu einem rise o f p r i c e s." (p. 299, McCulloch, "The Principles of Political Economy", London 1825.)

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190 "T h e r e c a n b e n o r i s e i n t h e v a l u e o f l a b o u r w i t h o u t a f a l l o f p r o f i t s." ([Ricardo, "On the principles of political economy, and taxation", third edition, London 1821,] p. 31.)

191 "The degree of alteration in the relative value of goods, on account of a rise or fall of labour" (...), "would depend on the proportion which the fixed capital bore to the whole capital employed. All commodities which are produced by very valuable machinery, or in very valuable buildings, or which require a great length of time before they can be brought to market, would fall in relative value, while all those which were chiefly produced by labour, or which would be speedily brought to market would rise in relative value." (p. 32.)

192 "The reader, however, should remark, that this cause of the variation of commodities" (...) "is comparatively slight in its effects ... Not so with the other great cause of the Variation in the value of commodities, namely, the increase or diminution in the quantity of labour necessary to produce them ... An alteration in the permanent rate of profits, to any great amount, is the effect of causes which do not operate but in the course of years; whereas alterations in the quantity of labour necessary to produce commodities, are of daily occurrence. Every improvement in machinery, in tools, in buildings, in raising the raw material, saves labour, and enables us to produce the commodity to which the improvement is applied with more facility, and consequently its v a l u e alters. In estimating, then, the causes of the variations in the value of commodities, although it would be wrong wholly to omit the consideration of the effect produced by a rise or fall of labour, it would be equally incorrect to attach much importance to it." (p. 32, 33.)

192 "This difference in the degree o f d u r a b i l i t y of fixed capital, and this v a r i e t y i n t h e p r op o r t i o n in which the two sorts of capital may be combined, introduce a n o t h e r c a u s e, besides the greater, or less quantity of labour necessary to produce commodities, for the variations in their relative value - t h i s c a u s e i s t h e r i s e o r f a l l i n t h e v a l u e o f l a b o u r." (p. 25, 26.)

193 ... "it being shown in this section that without any Variation in the quantity of labour, the r i s e o f i t s v a l u e merely will occasion a fall in the exchangeable value of those goods, in the production of which f i x e d c a p i t a l is employed; the larger the amount of fixed capital, the greater will be the fall." (p. 35.)

193 "In proportion as fixed capital is less durable, it approaches to the nature of circulating capital. It will be consumed and its v a l u e r e p r o d u c e d i n a s h o rt e r t i m e, in order to preserve the capital of the manufacturer." (p. 36.)

194 ... "to keep it in its original state of efficiency; but the labour so bestowed may be considered as really expended on the commodity manufactured, which must bear a value in proportion to such labour." (p.36, 37.) "If the wear and tear of the machine were great, if the quantity of labour requisite to keep in an efficient state were that of fifty men annually, I should require an additional price for my goods, equal to that which would be obtained by any other manufacturer who employed fifty men in the production of other goods, and who used no machinery at all. But a rise in the wages of labour would not equally affect commodities produced with machinery quickly consumed, and commodities produced with machinery slowly consumed. In the production of the one, a g r e a t d e a l o f l a b o u r w o u l d b e c o n t i n u a l l y t r a n s f e r r e d t o t h e c o m m o d i t y produced" ... "in the other very little would be so transferred." ... "Every rise of wages, therefore, or, which is the same thing, ¦¦540¦ every fall of profits, would lower the relative value of those commodities which were produced with a capital of a durable nature, and would proportionally elevate whose

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which were produced with capital more perishable. A fall of wages would have precisely the contrary effect." (p. 37, 38.)

195 "It will be seen, then, that in the eariy stages of Society, before much machinery or durable capital is used, the commodities produced by e q u a l c a p i t a l s will be nearly or e q u a l v a l u e, and will rise or fall only relatively to each other on account of more or less labour being required for their production" ... "but after the introduction of these expensive and durable instruments, the c o m m o d i t i e s p r od u c e d b y t h e e m p l o y m e n t o f e q u a l c a p i t a l s w i l l b e o f v e r y i n e q u a l V a l u e; and although they will still be liable to rise or fall relatively to each other, as more or less labour becomes necessary to their production, they will be subject to another, though a minor Variation, also, from the rise or fall of wages and profits. Since goods which sell for 5000 l. may be the produce of a capital equal in amount to that from which are produced other goods which sell for 10 000 l, the p r o f i t s o n t h e i r m a n u f a c t u r e w i l l b e t h e s a m e; but those p r o f i t s w o u l d b e u n e q u a l, if t h e p r i c e s o f t h e g o o d s did not vary with a rise or fall in t h e rate of profits." (p.40, 41.)

196 "Mr. Malthus appears to think that it is a pari of my doctrine, that t h e c o s t and v a l u e of a thing should be the same; - i t i s, if he means by cost, 'c o s t o f p r o d u c t i o n' i n c l u d i n g p r o f i t s." (p. 46, Note.)

197 "May not gold be considered as a commodity produced with such proportions of the two kinds of capital as approach nearest to the average quantity employed in the production of most commodities? May not these proportions be so nearly equally distant from the two extremes, the one where little fixed capital is used, the other where little labour is employed, as to form a just mean between them?" (l.c.p. 44.)

197 "Before I quit this subject, it may be proper to observe, that Adam Smith, and all the writers who have followed him, have, without one exception that I know of, main-tained that a rise in the price of labour would be uniformly followed by a rise in the price of all commodities." ... "I hope I have succeeded in showing, that there are no grounds for such an opinion, and that only those commodities would rise which had less fixed capital employed upon them t h a n t h e m e d i u m i n w h i c h p r i c e w a s e s t i m a t e d" (...), "and that all those which had more, would precisely 1*) fall in price when wages rose.On the contrary, if wages fall, those commodities only would fall, which had a less proportion of fixed capital employed on them, than the medium in which price was estimated; all those which had more, would positively rise in price." (p. 45.)

199 "When commodities varied in relative value, it w o u l d b e d e s i r a b l e to have the means of ascertaining which of them feil and which rose in real value, and this could be effected only by comparing them one after another with some invariable Standard measure, which should itself be subject to none of the fluctuations to which other commodities are exposed." (p. 41, 42.)

199 ... "there is no commodity which is not itself exposed to the same variations ... that is, there is none which is not subject to require more or less labour for its production." (p. 42.)

200 ... "to be a perfect measure of value, by which we could accurately ascertain the variations in all other things." (p. 43.)

"It would be a perfect measure of value for all things produced under the same circumstances precisely as itself, but for no others." (l.c.)

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1*) Bei Ricardo: positively

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200 "A rise of wages from this cause will, indeed, be invariably accompanied by a rise in the price of commodities; but m such cases, it will be found that labour and all commodities have not varied in regard to each other, and that the Variation has been confined to money." (p. 47.)

201) "The e x c h a n g e a b l e v a l u e o f a l l c o m m o d i t i e s, whether they be manufactured, or the produce of the mines, or the produce of land, is always regulated, not by the less quantity of labour that will suffice for their production under circumstances highly favorable, and exclusively enjoyed by those who have peculiar facilities of production; but by the greater quantity of labour necessarily bestowed on their production by those who have no such facilities; by those who c o n t i n u e to produce them under the most unfavorable circumstances; meaning - by the most unfavorable circumstances, t h e m o s t u n f a v o r a b l e u n d e r w h i c h t h e q u a n t i t y o f p r o d u c e r e q u i r e d, r e n d e r s i t n e c e s s a r y to carry on the production." (p. 60, 61.)

206 "With the rise or fall of price, p r o f i t s are elevated above, or dspressed below t h e i r g e n e r a l l e v e l, and capital is either encouraged to enter into, or is warned to depart from t h e p a r t i c u l a r e m p l o y m e n t in which the Variation has taken place." (p. 80.)

207 ... "every man free to employ his capital where he pleases ... will naturally seek for it that employment which is most advantageous; he will naturally be dissatisfied with a profit of 10 per cent, if by removing his capital he can obtain & profit of 15 per Cent. This r e s t l e s s d e s i r e o n t h e p a r i o f a l l t h e e m p l o y e r s o f s t o c k, t o q u i t a l e s s p r o f i t a b l e f o r a m o r e a d v a n t a g e o u s b u s i n e s s, h a s a s t r o n g t e n d e n c y t o e q u a l i s e t h e r a t e o f p r o f i t s o f a l l, or to fix them in s u c h p r o p o r t i o n s, as may in the estimation of the parties, compensate for any advantage which one may have, or may appear to have over the other." (p. 81.)

207 No writer has more satisfactonly and ably shown than Dr.

Smith, the tendency of capital to move from employments in which the goods produced do not repay by t h e i r p r i c e t h e w h o l e e x p e n s e s, i n c l u d i n g t h e o r d in a r y p r o f i t s" (...), "of producing and bringing them to market." (p. 342, note.)

207 "It is perhaps very difficult to trace t h e s t e p s by which this change is e f f e c t e d: it is probably effected, by a manufacturer n o t a b s o l u t e l y c h a n g i n g h i s e m p l o y m e n t, b a t o n l y l e s s e n i n g t h e q u a n t i t y o f c a p i t a l h e h a s i n t h a t e m p l o y m e n t. In all rich countries, there is a number of men forming what is called the m o n i e d c l a s s; these men are engaged in n o t r a d e, but live on the interest of their money, which is employed in discounting bills, or in loans to the more i n d u s t r i o u s part of the Community.

The bankers too employ a large capital on the same objects. The capital so employed forms a circulatmg capital of a large amount, and is employed, in larger or smaller proportions, by all the different trades of a country. There is perhaps no manufacturer, however rieh, who Iimits his business to the extent that 1*) bis own funds alone will allow: he has always some portion of this fioating capital, increasing or diminishing according to the actrvity of the demand for his commodities. When the demand for silks increases, and that for cloth diminishes, the clothier does not remove with his capital to the silk trade, but he dismisses some of his workmen, he discontinues his demand for the loan from bankers and monied men; while the case of the silk manufacturer is the reverse: he b o r r o w s m o r e, and t h u s c ap i t a l i s t r a n s f e r r e d f r o m o n e e mp l o y m e n t t o a n o t h e r, w i t h o u t t h e n e c e s s i t y o f a m a n u f a c t u r e r d i s c o nt i n u i n g h i s u s u a l o c c u p a t i o n. When we look to the markets of a large town, and observe how regularly they

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1*) In der Handschrift: of

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are supplied both with home and foreign commodities, in the quantity in which they are required, under all the circumstances of varying demand, arising from the caprice of taste, or a change in the amount of population, without often producing either the effects of a glut from a too abundant supply, or an enormously high price from the supply being unequal to the demand, we must confess that t h e p r i n c i p l e w h i c h a p p o rt i o n s c a p i t a l t o e a c h t r a d e in the precise amount that it is required, is more active than is generally supposed." (p. 81, 82.)

209 "In making l a b o u r the f o u n d a t i o n of the value of commodities, and the c o m p a r a t i v e q u a n t it y o f l a b o u r which is necessary to their production, the rule which determines the respective quantities of goods which shall be given in exchange for each other, we must not be supposed to deny the a c c i d e n t a l a n d t e m p o r ar y d e v i a t i o n s o f t h e a c t u a l or m a rk e t p r i c e of commodities from this, t h e i r p r im a r y a n d n a t u r a l p r i c e." (p. 80.)

209 "Let us suppose that all commodities are at their n a t ur a l p r i c e, and c o n s e q u e n t l y that the p r of i t s o f c a p i t a l in a l l e m p l o y m e n t s are exactly at the s a m e r a t e, or differ only so much as, in the estimation of the parties, is equivalent to any real or fancied advantage which they possess or forego." (p. 83.)

210 "It is then the desire, which every capitalist has, of diverting his funds from a less to a more profitable employment, that prevents the m a r k e t p r i c e of commodities from 1*)

continuing for any length of time either much above, or much below their n a t u r a l 2*) p r i c e. It is this competition which so adjusts the c h a n g e a b l e v a l u e" ... "of commodities, that after paying the wages for the labour necessary to their production, and all other expenses required to put the capital employed in its original state of efficiency, the r e m a i n i n g v a l u e o r o v e r p l u s will in e a c h t r a d e [be] in proportion to the v a l u e of t h e c a p i t a l employed." (p. 84.)

210 "In the 7th chap. of the Wealth of Nations, all that concerns this question is most ably treated." (p. 84.)

213 "Their price" (of monopolised commodities) "has no necessary connexion with their n a t u r a l v a l u e: but the p r ic e s of commodities, which are subject to competition, ... will ultimately depend ... on ... c o s t o f t h e i r p r od u c t i o n." (p. 465.)

214 "It" (foreign trade) "can only be regulated by altering the n a t u r a l p r i c e, not the n a t u r a l v a l u e, at which commodities can be produced m those countries, and that is effected by altering the distribution of the precious metals." (l.c.p. 409.)

214 ..."il y a toujours quelques marchandises ... dont le prix se résout en d e u x parties seulement; les salaires du travail et les profits des fonds" ([Smith, "Recherches sur la nature et les causes de la richesse des nations», Paris 1802,] 1.1, eh. VI, v. l., p. 103.)

215 "S a l a i r e, p r o f i t e t r e n t e sont l e s t r o i s s o u r c e s p r i m i t i v e s de tout revenu, aussi bien que de t a u t e v a l e u r e c h a n g ea b l e.» (t. I, l. I, ch. VI, p. 105.)

216 "La marchandise est ¦¦55¦ alors v e n d u e p r é c i s em e n t c e q u' e l l e v a u t" (...) "ou" (...) "ce q u' e l l e c o û t e réellement à la personne qui la porte au marcne"» (...) «car quoique, dans le langage ordinaire, quand on parle de ce qu'une marchandise c o û t e e n p r e m i e r e m a i n, o n n' y c o m p r e n n e p a s l e p r o f i t de la personne qui fait metier de la vendre, cepandant si celleci la vendait a un p r i x q u i n e l u i r e n d i t p a s s o n p r o f i t a u t a w c o r d i n a i r e du canton, il est évident 1*) In der Handschrift: of - 2*) in der Handschrift: market

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qu'elle perdrait à ce métier, puisqu'elle aurait pu faire c e p r o f i t e n e m p l o y a n t s o n c a p i t a l d' u n e a u t r e m a n i è r e." (p. 111.)

217 "Le p r i x n a t u r e l o u l a v a l e u r entière des rente, profit et salaire qu'il faut payer pour qu'elle» (la marchandise) "vienne au marché" (l.c.p. 112.)

218 "Quand la quantité amenée au marche' suffit tout juste pour remplir la demande effective, et rien de plus, le p r i x d e m a r c h é s e trouve naturellement être précisément... le même que le p r i x n a t u r e l." (t.I, l.c.p. 114.) "Le prix n a t u r e l e s t d o n c p o u r ainsi dire le point central vers lequel gravitent continuellement les prix de toutes ls marchandises. Différentes circonstances accidentelles peuvent quelquefois les tenir un certain tems élevés au dessus, et quelquefois les forcer à descendre un peu au dessous de ce prix." (t. I, l.c.p. 116.)

218 ... "somme totale d'industrie employée annuellement à l'effet de faire venir au marché une marchandise" entsprechen wird den Bedürfnissen der Gesellschaft oder der "demande effective". (p. 117.)

218 ..."la même quantité d'industrie produira, en différentes années, des quantités fort différentes de marchandises, pendant que, dans d'autres emplois, elle produira la même ou très-approchant la même quantité. Le même nombre d'ouvriers employés à la culture produira, en différentes années, des quantites fort differentes de blé, de vin, d'huile, de houblon, etc. Mais le même nombre de fileurs et de tisserands produira chaque annee la meme ou très-approchant la même quantité de toile ou de drap ... Dans l'autre" (der nicht agricultural) "espèce d'industrie, le p r o d u i t d e q u a n t i t é s é g a l e s d e t r a v a i l é t a n t t o u j o u r s l e même ou très approchant le même" (d.h. solange die Produktionsbedingungen d i e s e l b e n bleiben), "il peut s'assortir plus exactement à la demande effective" (p. 117, 118.)

219 "Quelle que soit la partie de ce prix" (naturel) "qui soit payée audessous du taux n a t u r e l, les personnes qui y ont intérêt sentiront bientôt le dommage qu'elles éprouvent, et aussitôt e l l e s r e t i r e r o n t, o u t a n t d e t e r r e, o u t a n t d e t r a v a i l, o u t o n t d e c a p i t a u x d e c e g e n r e d' e m p l o i, que la q u a n t i t é de cette marchandise qui sera amenée au marché ne sera bientôt plus que suffisante pour répondre à la demande effective. Ainsi son p r i x d e m a r c h é r e m o nt e r a bientôt au p r i x n a t u r e l, au moins sera-ce le cas partout où règne une entière liberté." (l.c.p. 125.)

220 "Le p r i x n a t u r e l varie lui-même avec le t a u x n a t u r e l de ses parties constituantes, le salaire, le profit et la rente." (l.c.p. 127.)

220 "Il faut de toute nécessité qu'un homme vive de son travail, et que son salaire suffise au moins à sa subsistance; il faut même quelque chose de plus dans la plupart des circonstances, autrement il lui serait impossible d'elever une famille, et alors la race de ces ouvriers ne pourrait pas durer au-dela de la première génération." (l.c.p. 136.)

221 "les salaires du travail ... ne suivent pas les fluctuations du prix des denrées" (p. 149) und daß "les salaires varient plus que le prix des denrées d'un lieu à l'autre". (l.c.p. 150.)

222 "Quoique, sans aucun doute, la pauvreté décourage la mariage, cependant elle ne l'empêche pas toujours; elle paraît même être favorable à la génération ... La stérilité, qui est si fréquente chez les femmes du grand monde, est extrêmement rare parmi celles d'une condition inférieure ... Mais si la pauvreté n'empêche pas d'engendrer des enfans, eile est un très-grand obstacle à ce qu'on puisse les élever. Le tendre rejeton est produit, mais c'est dans un sol si froid, et dans un climat si rigoureux que bientót il se dessàche et périt. ... Naturellement toutes les espèces animales multiplient à proportion de leurs moyens de subsistance, et aucune espece ne peut jamais multiplier au-delà. Mais dans les

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sociétés civilisées, ce n'est que parmi les classes inférieures du peuple que la disette de subsistance peut mettre des bornes á la propagation ultérieure de l'espèce humaine .. C'est... l a d e m a n d e d' h o m m e s q u i r è g l e n é c e ss a i r e m e n t l a p r o d u c t i o n d e s h o m m e s, comme fait la demande à l'égard de toute autre marchandise; elle hâte la production quand celle-ci marche trop lentement, et l'arrête quand elle va trop vîte..." (l.c.p. 160-163 passim.)

222 "Les salaires qu'on paie à des gens de journée et domestiques de toute espèce, doivent etre tels que ceux-ci puissent, l/un dans l'autre, c o n t i n u e r à m a i n t e n i r l e u r p o p u l a t i o n, s u i v a n t q u e p e u t l e requèrir l'état croissant ou décroissant, ou bien stationnaire de la demande qu'en fait la société." (l.c.p. 164.)

222 "Le fonds destiné à remplacer et à réparer, pour ainsi dire, le déchet résultant du tems et du Service dans la personne de l'esclave, est ordinairement sous l'administration d'un maitre peu attentif ou d'un inspecteur négligent. Celui qui est destiné au même emploi, à l'égard du serviteur libre, est économisé par les mains mêmes du serviteur libre. Dans l'administration du premier s'introduisent naturellement les désordres qui règnent en général dans les affaires du riche; la frugalité sévère et l'attention parcimonieuse du pauvre s'établissent aussi naturellement dans l'admmistration du second." (p. 164.)

223 "L'ouvrage fait par de mains libres, revient à la fin à meilleur compte que celui qui est fait par des esclaves." (p. 165.)

"Ainsi, si la récompense libérale du travail est l'effet de l'accroissement de la richesse nationale, elle devient aussi la cause de l'accroissement de la population. Se plaindre de la libéralité de cette recompense, ¦¦554¦ c'est se plaindre de ce qui est à la fois l'efret et la cause de la plus grande prospérité publique." (p. 165.)

223 Er "encourage non seulement la population", sondern "augmente aussi l'industrie du commun du peuple. Ce sont les salaires du travail qui sont l'encouragement de l'industrie, et celle-ci, comme toute autre qualité de l'homme, se perfectionne à proportion de l'encouragement qu'elle reçoit. Une subsistance abondante augmente la force corporelle de l'ouvrier; et la douce espérance d'améliorer sa condition ... l'excite à tirer de ses forces tout le parti possible. Aussi verrons-nous toujours les ouvriers plus actifs, plus diligens, plus expéditifs là où les salaires sont hauts, que là où ils sont bas." (l.c.p. 166.)

223 "Les ouvriers qui sont largement payés à la pièce, sont trèssujets à se forcer d'ouvrage, et à ruiner leur santé et leur tempérament en peu d'années." (166, 167.) "Si les maîtres ecoutaient toujours ce que leur dictent à la fois la raison et l'humanite, ils auraient lieu souvent de moderer plutôt que d'exciter l'application au travail, dans une grande partie de leurs ouvriers." (p. 168.)

223 ... "plus d'aisance puisse rendre les ouvriers paresseux". (p. 169.)

223 "L e p r i x p é c u n i a i r e d u t r a v a i l est nécessairement réglé par deux circonstances, la demande de travail et l e p r i x des choses propres aux besoins et aisances de la vie ... c'est ce qu'il faul d'argent pour acheter cette quantité déterminées de choses" (propres aux besoins et aux aisances de la vie), "ui règle le prix pecuniaire du travail." (l.c.p. 175.)

224 "La disette d'une année de cherté, en diminuant la demande de travail, tend à en faire baisser le prix, comme la cherté des vivres tend à le hausser. Au contraire, l'abondance d'une annee de bon marché, en augmentant cette demande, tend à elever le prix du travail, comme le bon marche des vivres tend à le faire baisser. Dans les variations ordinaires du prix des vivres, ces deux causes opposées semblent se contrebalancer l'une l'autre; ce qui probablement est en partie la raison pourquoi les salaires du travail sont partout beaucoup plus fixes et plus constans que le prix des vivres." (p. 177.)

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224 "L'augmentation qui survient dans les salaires du travail, augmente nécessairement le prix de beaucoup de marchandises e n h a u s s a n t c e t t e p a r t i e d u p r i x q u i s e r e s o u t e n s a l a i r e s, et eile tend d'autant à diminuer la consommation tant intérieure qu'exterieure de ces marchandises. Cependant la même cause qui fait hausser les salaires du travail, l'accroissement des capitaux, tend à augmenter ses facultés productives, et tend à mettre une plus petite quantité de travail en état de produire une plus grande quantité d'ouvrage. ... Il y a donc une infinité de marchandises qui, en consequence de tous ces moyens de perfectionner l'industrie, viennent a etre produites a v e c u n t r a v a i l t e l l e m e n t i n f é r i e u r à c e l u i qu'elles c o û t a i e n t a u p a r a v a n t, que l' a u g m e n t at i o n d a n s l e p r i x d e c e t r a v a i l se t r o u v e p l u s q u e c o m p e n s é e par l a d i m i n u t i o n d a n s l a q u a n t i t é de t r av a i l." (p. 177, 178.)

225 "Il serait encore plus difficile de déterminer le profit moyen de tous les différens commerces établis dans un grand royaume." (p. 180.)

225 "On peut établir pour maxime que partout où on pourra faire beaucoup de profits par le moyen de l'argent, on donnera commune'ment beaucoup pour avoir la faculté de s'en servir, et qu'on donnera en général moins quand il n'y aura que peu de profits à faire par son moyen." (p. 180, 181.)

226 ..."d e f o r t s s a l a i r e s e t d e h a u t s p r o f i t s s o n t n a t u r e l l e m e n t d e s c h os e s q u i v o n t r a r e m e n t e n s e m b l e, si ce n'est dans le cas particulier d'une colonie nouvelle." (p. 187.)

226 "Une colonie nouvelle doit nécessairement, pendant quelque tems, plus que la majeure partie des autres pays, avoir la masse de ses capitaux au dessous de la proportion que peut comporter l'étendue de son territoire, et avoir sa population au dessous de la proportion que peut comporter l'étendue de son capital. Les colons ont plus de terres qu'ils n'ont de capitaux à consacrer à la culture; ainsi, ce qu'ils ont de capitaux, ils l'appliquent s e u l e m e n t à l a c u l t u r e des t e r r e s l e s p l u s f e r t i l e s et l e s p l u s f a v o r a t l em e n t s i t u é e s, celles qui sont près des côtes de la mer ou le long des rivières navigables. Ces terres aussi s'achétent très-souvent au dessous même de la valeur de leur produit naturel." (...) "Le capital employé à l'achat et à l'amélioration des ces terres doit rendre un très-gros profit, et par consequent fournir de quoi payer un tres-gros interet. Son accumulation rapide dans un emploi profitable met le planteur dans le cas d'augmenter le nombre des bras qu'il occupe, beaucoup plus vîte qu'un établissement récent ne lui permet d'en trouver; aussi ceux qu'il peut se procurer sont-ils très-liberalement payés. A m e s u r e q u e l a c o l o n i e a u g m e n t e, l e s p r o f i t s d e s c a p i t a u x b a i s s e n t.

Q u a n d l e s t e r r e s l e s p l u s f e r t i l e s e t l e s m i e u x s i t u e e s s e t r o u v e n t t o u t e s o c c u p é e e s, l a c u l t u r e d e c e l l e s q u i s o n t i n f é r i e u r e s, t a n t p o u r l e s o l q u e p o u r l a S i t u a t i o n, o f f r e d e m o i n d r e s p r o f i t s à f a i r e, et par consequent un intérêt plus faible pour le capital qu'on y aura employé. C'est pour cela que le taux de l'intérêt... a considérablement baissé dans la plupart de nos colonies, pendant le cours de ce siècle." (p. 187-189.)

226 "Une diminution survenue dans la masse des capitaux d'une société, ou dans le fonds destiné à alimenter l'industrie, en amenant la baisse des salaires, amène pareillement une hausse dans les profits, et par conséquent dans le taux de l'intérêt.

Les salaires du travail étant baissés, les propriétaires de ce qui reste de capitaux dans la société peuvent établir leurs marchandises à meilleur compte qu'auparavant; et comme il y a moins de capitaux employés à fournir le marché qu'il n'y en avait auparavant, ils peuvent vendre plus cher." (p. 191, 192.)

227 Die "höchste Taxe" ist die, «qui, dans la plus grande partie des marchandises, emporte la totalité de ce qui devrait aller à la rente de la terre, et laisse seulement ce qui est

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nécessaire pour salarier le travail de préparer la marchandise et de la conduire au marché, au taux le plus bas auquel le travail puisse jamais être payé, c'est-à-dire, la simple subsistance de l'ouvrier." (p. 197, 198.)

227 "Le taux le plus bas des profits ordinaires des capitaux doit toujours être quelque chose au-delà de ce qu'il faut pour compenser les pertes accidentelles auxquelles est exposé chaque emploi de capital. Il n'y a que ce surplus qui constitue vraiment le profit ou le bénéfice net." (p. 196.)

227 "Dans la Grande-Bretagne, on porte au double de l'intérêt ce que les commercans appellent un p r o f i t h o n n ê t e, m o d é r é, r a i s o n n a b l e; toutes expressions qui, à mon avis, ne signifient autre chose q a' u n p r o f i t c o m m u n e t d' u s a g e." (p. 198.)

227 "Dans les pays qui vont en s'enrichissant avec rapidité, le faible taux des profits peut compenser le haut prix des salaires du travail dans le prix de beaucoup de marchandises, et mettre ces pays à portée de vendre à aussi bon marché que leurs voisins, qui s'enrichi-ront moins vîte, et chez lesquels les salaires seront plus bas." (p. 199.)

228 "Dans le fait, de hauts profits tendent, beaucoup plus que de hauts salaires, à faire monter l e p r i x de l'ouvrage." (p. 199.) Z.B., wenn die Salaire aller in den fabriques des toiles beschäftigten Arbeiter steigen um 2 deniers (pence) täglich würde das das "pièce de toile" nur um so viel 2 d. heben, als Arbeiter beschäftigt wären "en multipliant le nombre des ouvriers par le nombre des journés pendant lesquelles ils auraient été ainsi employés. Dans chacun des différens degrés de main d'oeuvre que subirait la marchandise, cette partie de son prix, qui se résout en salaires, hausserait seulement dans la proportion arithmétique de cette Hausse des salaires. Mais si les profits de tous les différens maîtres qui mettent ces ouvriers à l'ouvrage venaient à monter de 5 pour cent, cette partie du prix de la marchandise qui se résout en profits, s'élèverait dans chacun des différens degrés de la main-d'oeuvre, en r a i s o n p r o g r e s s i v e de cette hausse du taux des profits ... La hausse des salaires opère en haussant le prix d'une marchandise, comme opère l'inteiet simple dans l'accumulation d'une dette. La hausse des profits opère comme I'intérêt composé." (p. 200, 201.)

228 "Nos marchands et nos maîtres manufacturiers se plaignent beaucoup des mauvais effets des hauts salaires, en ce que ces hauts salaires renchérissent leurs marchandises, et par-là en dimmuent le débit, tant dans l'intérieur que chez l'etranger: ils ne parlent pas des mauvais effets ces hauts profits; ils gardent le silence ¦¦557¦ sur les consequences fächeuses de leurs propres gains; ils ne se plaignent que de celles du gain des autres.» (p. 201.)

228 "La loterie du droit est donc bien loin d'être une loterie parfaitement egale, et cet etat, comme la plupart des autres professions liberales et honorables, est evidemment tres-mal recompense', sous le rapport du gain pécuniaire." (t.I, l.I, ch. X, p. 216, 217.)

228 "Leur paye est au dessous du salaire des simples manoeuvres, et quand ils sont en activité, de service leurs fatigues sont beaucoup plus grandes que celles de ces derniers." (t.I, l.I, ch. X, p. 223.)

229 "Quoique leur métier exige bien plus de savoir et de dextérité que presque tout autre métier d'artisan, et quoique toute la vie d'un matelot soit une scène continuelle de travaux et de dangers ... leurs salaires ne sont pas plus forts que ceux que gagne un simple manoeuvre dans le port qui régle le taux de ces salaires." (t. I, l.I, ch. X, p. 224.)

229 "Sans doute il ne serait pas convenable de comparer un curé ou un chapelain, à un artisan à la journée. On peut bien pourtant, sans choquer la décence, considérer l'honoraire

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d'un curé ou d'un chapelain comme étant de la même nature ques les salaires de cet artisan.»(t.I, l.I, ch. X, p. 271.)

229 "Dans une même société ou canton, le taux moyen des profits ordinaires dans les différens emplois des capitaux se trouvera bien plus proche du même niveau, que celui des salaires pécuniaires des diverses espèces de travail." (l.c.p. 228.)

229 "C'est l' é t e n d u e d u m a r c h é qui, offrant de l'emploi à de plus gros capitaux, diminue le profit a p p a r e n t; mais aussi c'est elle qui, obligeant de se fournir à de plus grandes distances, augmente le premier coût. Cette diminution d'une pari, et cette augmentation de l'autre, semblent, en beaucoup de cas, se contre-balancer à peu près." (l.c.p. 232.)

229 "Dans les petites villes et les villages, au moyen du peu d' e t e n d u e d u m a r c h e, le commerce ne peut pas s'agrandir à mesure que grossit le capital: aussi dans ces endroits-là, quoique le taux des profits d'une personne en particulier puisse être très-haut, cependant la masse ou la somme totale de ces profits ne peut jamais être très-forte, ni par conséquent le montant de son accumulation annuelle. Au contraire, dans de grandes villes, on peut étendre son commerce à mesure que le capital augmente, et le crédit d'un homme qui est économe et qui fait bien ses affaires, augmente encore bien plus vîte que son capital. A Proportion de l'augmentation de l'un et de l'autre, il agrandit la sphère des ses opérations." (l.c.p. 233.)

229 ..."petit jardin potager, autant d'herbe qu'il en faut pour nourrir une vache, et peut-être un acre ou deux de mauvaise terre labourable" ... [p. 241.]

230 ..."le superflu de leur tems à quiconque les voulait employer, et-qu'ils travaillaient pour de moindres salaires que les autres ouvriers." (p. 241.) "Cependant plusieurs écrivains qui ont recueilli les prix du travail et des denrées dans les tems anciens, et qui se sont plû à les représenter tous deux prodigieusement bas, ont regardé c e t t e r é t r i b u t i o n a c c i d e n t e l l e comme f o r m e n t l o u t l e s a l a i r e d e ces ouvriers." (p. 242.)

230 "cette égalité dans la somme totales des avantages et désavantages des divers emplois de travail et de capitaux ne peut avoir lieu que dans les emplois qui sont la seule ou la principale occupation de ceux qui les exercent." (p. 240.)

230 "Chaque classe" (i n n e r h a l b d e r z ü n f t i g e n S t ä d t e) "il est vrai, au moyen de ses réglemens, se trouvait obligée, pour les marchandises qu'il lui fallait prendre dans la ville, chez les marchands et artisans des autres classes, de les acheter quelque chose de plus eher qu'elle n'aurait [fait] sans cela; mais en revanche elle se trouvait aussi à même de vendre les siennes plus cher, dans la même proportion, de manière que jusque-là cela devait, comme on dit, aller l'un pour l'autre; et dans les affaires que les classes différentes faisaient entr'elles dans la ville, aucune d'elles ne perdait à ces réglemens. M a i s d a n s l e s a f f a i r e s q u' e l l e s f a i s a i e n t a v e c l a c a m p a g n e, t o u t e s é g a l e m e n t t r o u v a i e n t d e g r o s b é n éf i c e s; et c'est dans ce dernier genre d'affaires que consiste tout le trafic qui soutient et qui enrichit les villes.

Chaque ville tire de la campagne toute sa subsistance et tous les matériaux de son industrie. Elle paie ces deux objets principalement de deux manières; la première, en renvoyant à la campagne une partie de ces matériaux travaillés et manufactures, dans lequel cas le prix en est augmente du montant d e s s a l a i r e s d e s o u v r i e r s, e t d u m o n t a n t d e s p r o f i t s d e l e a r s m a î t r e s o u d e c e u x q u i l e s e m p l o i e n t i m m é d i a t em e n t; la seconde, en envoyant à la campagne le produit tant brut que manufacturé, soit des autres pays, soit des endroits les plus éloignés du même pays, qui s'importe dans la ville, dans lequel cas aussi le prix originaire de ces marchandises s'accroît d e s s a l a i r e s d e s v o i t u r i e r s o u m a t el o t s, e t d u p r o f i t d e s m a r c h a n d s q u i l e s e m p l o i e n t. Ce qui est gagné dans la première de ces deux branches de

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commerce, compose tout le b é n é f i c e q u e l a v i l l e r e t i r e d e s e s m a n u f a c t u r e s. Ce qui est gagné dans la seconde, compose t o u t l e b é n é f i c e q u e l u i r a p p o r t e n t s o n c o m m e r c e i nt é r i e u r e t s o n c o m m e r c e é t r a n g e r. La totalité de ce qui est gagné dans l'une et dans l'autre Branche, consiste en salaires d'ouvriers et profits de ceux qui les emploient. Ainsi, sous réglemens qui tendent a f a i r e m o n i e r c e s s a l a i r e s e t c e s p r o f i t s a u d e s s u s d e c e q u i l s d e v r a i e n t ê t r e n a t u r e l l e m e n t, tendent à mettre l a v i l l e e n é t a t d' a c h e t e r, a v e c une m o i n d r e q u a n t i t é d e s o n t r a v a i l, l e p r o d u i t d' u n e p l u s g r a n d e q u a n t i t é d u t r av a i l d e l a c a m p a g n e." [p. 256, 259.]

231 "Ils donnent aux marchands et artisans de la ville un avantage sur les propriétaires, fermiers et ouvriers de la campagne, et ils rompent cette égalité naturelle, qui sans cela aurait lieu dans le commerce qui s'établit entre l'une et l'autre. La t o t a l i t é d u p r o d u i t a n n u e l d u t r av a i l d e l a s o c i é t é s e d i v i s e annuellement entre ces deux différentes sections du peuple. L'effet de ces" (städtischen) "réglemens est de donner aux habitans des villes u n e p a r t p l u s f o r t e que celle qui leur échoirait sans cela dans le produit, et d'en donner une moindre aux habitans des campagnes. Le p r i x que paient les villes pour les denrées et matières qui y sont annuellement importées, ce sont tous les objets de manufactures et autres marchandises qui en sont annuellement exportées. P l u s c e s d e r n i èr e s s o n t v e n d u e s c h e r, plus les autres sont achetées bon marché. L'industrie des villes en devient plus avantageuse, et celle des campagnes vient à l'être moins." (p. 258-260.)

232 "Les habitans d'une ville étant r a s s e m b l é s d a n s u n m ê m e l i e u, peuvent aisément communiquer et se concerter ensemble. En conséquence les métiers les plus minces qui se soient établis dans les villes, ont été érigés en corporation, dans un lieu ou dans un autre..." (p. 261.) "Les habitans de la campagne, qui vivent dispersés et éloignés l'un et l'autre, ne peuvent pas facilement se concerter entr'eux. Non-seulement ils n'ont jamais été réunis en corps de métier, mais même l'esprit de corporation n'a jamais régné parmi eux. On n'a jamais pensé qu'un apprentissage fût nécessaire pour l'agriculture, qui est la grande industrie de la campagne." (p. 262.)

232 "Il faut bien plus de jugement et de prudence pour diriger des opérations qui doivent varier a chaque changement de saison, ainsi que dans une infinité d'autres circonstances, que pour des travaux qui sont toujours les mêmes ou à peu près les mêmes." (p. 263.)

232 "Ce n'est pas seulement aux corporations et à leurs réglemens qu'il faut attribuer la supériorité que l'industrie des villes a usurpée dans toute l'Europe sur celle des campagnes, il y a encore d'autres réglemens qui la maintiennent: l e s f o r t s d r o i t s dont sont chargés tous ouvrages de manufacture étrangère et toutes marchandises importées par les marchands etrangers, tendent tous au même but." (p. 265.) Diese "réglemens les» (die villes) "garantissent de la concurrence des étrangers». (265.)

233 "Il paraît qu'anciennement dans la Grande-Bretagne, l'industrie des villes avait sur celle des campagnes plus de supériorité qu'à present: aujourd'hui les salaires du travail de la campagne se rapprochent davantage de ceux du travail des manufactures, et les profits des capitaux employés à la culture 1*), de ceux des capitaux employés au commerce et aux manufactures, qu'ils ne s'en rapprochaient, à ce qu'il semble, dans le dernier" (17th) "siècle ou dans le commencement de celui-ci" (18th). "Ce changement peut être regardé comme la conséquence nécessaire, quoique très-tardive, de l'encouragement forcé donné à l'industrie des villes. Le capital qui s'y accumule, devient, avec le temps, si considérable, qu'il ne peut plus y être employé avec le même profit à cette espèce d'industrie qui est

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1*) In der Handschrift: manufacture

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particulière aux villes: cette Industrie a ses limites comme toute autre, et l' a c c r o i s s e m e n t d e s c a p it a u x, e n a u g m e n t a n t [l a c o n c u r r e n c e], doit nécessairement réduire les profits. L a b a i s s e d e s p r o f i t s d a n s l a v i l l e f o r c e l e s c ap i t a u x à r e f l u e r d a n s l e s c a m p a g n e s où ils vont créer de nouvelles demandes de travail de culture, et font hausser par consequent les salaires de ce dernier travail; a l o r s c e s c a p i t a u x s e r é p a n d e n t, pour ainsi dire, s u r l a s u r f a c e d e l a T e r r e, et par l'emploi qu'on en fait en culture, ils s o n t e n p a r t i e r e n d u s à l a c a m p a g n e, a u x d é p e n s d e l a q u e l l e, e n g r a n d e p a rt i e, i l s s' é t a i e n t o r i g i n a i r e m e n t a c c u m u l é s d a n s l e s v i l l e s." (p. 266. 267.)

Elftes Kapitel

243 "Adam Smith ... cannot be correct in supposing that the o r i g i n a l r u l e w h i c h r e g u l a t e d t h e e x c h a n g e a b l e v a l u e o f c o m m o d i t i e s, namely, the comparative quantity of labour by which they were produced, can b e a t a l l a l t e r e d b y t h e a p p r o p r i a t i o n o f l a n d a n d t h e p a ym e n t o f r e n t." ([Ricardo, On the principles of political economy...", London 1821,] p. 67.)

244 "R e n t is that portion of the produce of the earth which is paid to the landlord for t h e u s of the o r i g i n a l and i n d e s t r u c t i b l e p o w e r s o f t h e s o i l." (p. 53.)

245 ... "capital employed in ameliorating the quantity of the land, and in erecting such buildings as were necessary to secure and preserve the produce." (p. 54.)

245 "Is it not, however, evident, that the person who paid what he" (Smith) "calls rent, paid it in consideration of the v a l u a b l e c o m m o d i t y which was then standing on the land, and that he actually r e p a i d h i m s e l f w i t h a p r o f i t, b y t h e s a l e o f t h e t i m b e r?" (p. 54.)

245 "The compensation for the ¦¦565¦ mine or quarry, is paid for the v a l u e of the coal or stone which can be removed from them, and has no connection with the original and indestructible powers of the land. This is a distinction of great importance, in an enquiry concerning rent and profits; for it is found, that the laws which regulate the progress of rent, are widely different from those which regulate the progress of profits, and seldom operate in the same direction." (p. 54, 55.)

248 "The compensation g i v e n for the mine or quarry, is paid for the v a l u e of the coal or stone which can be removed from them, and has no connection with the o r i g i n a l and indestructible p o w e r s of the soil." (p. 54, 55.)

Dreizehntes Kapitel

304 "On the f i r s t s e t t l i n g o f a c o u n t r y, in which there is an a b u n d a n c e of rich and fertile land, a v e r y s m a l l p r o p o r t i o n o f w h i c h i s r e q u i r e d t o b e c u l t i v a t e d f o r t h e s u p p o r t o f t h e a c t u a l population, or indeed c a n b e c u l t i v a t e d w i t h t h e c a p i t a l which the population can command, there will be n o r e n t; for no one would p a y for the u s e o f l a n d, when there w a s a n a b u n d a n t q u a n t i t y n o t y e t a p p r o p r i a t e d, and, t h e r e f o r e" (,..), "at the d i s p o s a l o f w h o s o e v e r m i g h t c h o o s e to cultivate it." (p. 55.)

304 "On the common principles of supply and demand, n o r e n t c o u l d b e p a i d f o r s u c h l a n d, for the reason stated why nothing is given for the use of air and water, or for any other of the gifts of nature which exist in b o u n d l e s s q u a n t i t y ... no charge is made for the use of these ¦¦601¦ natural aids, because they are inexhaustible, and at every man's disposal ...

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If all land had t h e s a m e properties, if it were u n l i m i t e d i n q u a n t i t y, and u n i f o r m i n q u a l i t y, nocharge could be made for its use" (...).

"unless where it possessed p e c u l i a r a d v a n t a g e s o f s i t u a t i o n" (...). "It is only, then, because land is n o t u n l i m i t e d i n q u a n t i t y and uniform in quality, and because in the progress of population, land of an i n f e r i o r q u a l i t y, or l e s s a d v a n t a g ea u s l y s i t u a t e d, is called into cultivation, that r e n t i s e v e r p a i d f o r t h e u s e o f it.

When in the progress of Society, land of the second degree of fertility is taken into cultivation, rent i m m e d i a t e l y c o m m e n c e s o n t h a t o f t h e f i r s t q u a l i t y, and the amount of that r e n t w i l l d e p e n d on t h e d i f f e r e n c e i n t h e q u al i t y o f t h e s e t w o p o r t i o n s o f l a n d." (p. 56, 57.)

306 "When land of the third quality is taken into cultivation, rent immediately commences on the second, and it is regulated as before, by the difference in their productive powers. At the same time, the rent of the first quality will rise, for that must always be above the rent of the second, by the difference between the produce which they yield with a given quantity of capital and labour. With every s t e p i n t h e p r o g r e s s o f p o p u l a t i o n, w h i c h s h a l l o b l i g e a c o u n t r y t o h a v e r e c o u r s e t o l a n d o f a w o r s e q u a l i t y" (...) "to enable it to raise its supply ¦¦602¦ of food, rent, on all the more fertile land, will rise." (p. 57.)

307 "On the first settling of a country, in which there is an a b u n d a n c e o f r i c h a n d f e r t i l e s o i l n o t y e t a p p r o p r i a t e d." (p. 55.)

307 "If a l l l a n d had t h e s a m e properties, if it were u n l i m i t e d i n q u a n t i t y, and u n if o r m i n q u a l i t y, no charge could be made for its use." (p. 56.)

308 "The m o s t f e r t i l e, a n d m o s t f a v o r a bl y s i t u a t e d, land will be f i r s t cultivated." (p. 60.)

310 "for either there must b e t w o r a t e s o f p r of t i t o n a g r i c u l t u r a l c a p i t a l, o r ten quarters, or the value of ten quarters m u s t b e w i t hd r a w n from the produce of No. 1, for some other purpose.

Whether the p r o p r i e t o r o f t h e l a n d, or any other person, cultivated No. 1, these ten quarters would equally constitute rent; for the cultivator of No.2 would get the same result with his capital, whether he cultivated No.l, paying 10 quarters for rent, or continued to cultivate No.2, paymg no rent." (p. 58.)

311 "The most fertile, and most favorably situated, land will be first cultivated, and the exchangeable value of its produce will be adjusted in the same manner as the exchangeable value of all other commodities, by the total quantity of labour necessary in various forms, from first to last, to produce it, and bring it to market. When land of an inferior quality is taken into cultivation, the exchangeable value of raw produce will rise, because more labour is required to produce it. The e x c h a n g ea b l e v a l u e of a l l commodities, whether they be manufactured, or the produce of the mines, or the produce of land, i s a l w a y s r e g u l a t e d, not by t h e l e s s q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r t h a t w i l l s u f f i c e f o r t h e i r p r o d u c t i o n u n d e r c i r c u m s t a n c e s h i g h l y f a v o r a b l e, and e x c l u s i v e l y e n j o y e d b y t h o s e w h o h a v e p e c u l i a r f a c i l i t i e s o f p r o d u ct i o n; but by the g r e a t e r q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r n e c e s s a r i l y b e s l o w e d o n t h e i r p r o d u c t i o n by t h o s e w h o h a v e n o s u c h f a c i l i t i e s; by those who continue to produce them under the most u n f a v o r a b l e c i r c u ms t a n c e s; meaning " by the most unfavorable circumstances, the most unfavorable under which the q u a n t i t y o f p r o d u c e r e q u i r e d" ..., "renders it necessary to carry on the production." (p. 60, 61.)

311 "Rent is always the difference between the produce obtained by the employment of two ¦¦604¦ equal quantities of capital and labour." (p. 59.)

311 "there cannot be two rates of profit." (p. 59.)

311 "It is true, that on the best land, the same produce would still be obtained with the same labour as before, but its value would be enhanced in consequence of the diminished returns

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obtained by those who employed fresh labour and stock on the less fertile land. Notwithstanding, then, that the advantages of fertile over inferior lands are in no case lost, but only t r a n s f e r r e d from the cultivator, or consumer, to the landlord, yet, since more labour is required on the inferior lands, and s i n c e i t i s f r o m s u c h l a n d o n l y t h a t w e a r e e n a b l e d t o f u r n i s h o u r s e l v e s with the a d d i t i o n a l s u p p l y of raw produce, the comparative value of that produce will continue p e r m a n e n t l y above its former level, and make it exchange for more hats, cloth, shoes, etc. in the production of which no such additional quantity of labour is required." (p.62, 63.)

"The reason then, w h y raw p r o d u c e r i s e s i n c o m p a r a t i v e v a l u e, is because more labour is employed in the production of the last portion obtained, and n o t b e c a u s e a r e n t i s p a i d t o t h e l a n dl o r d. The v a l u e o f c o r n i s r e g u l a t e d by the quantity of labour bestowed on its production on that quality of land, or with that portion of capital, which pays no rent. C o r n i s n o t h i g h b e c a u s e a r e n t i s p a i d, b u t a r e n t i s p a i d b e c a u s e c o r n i s h i g h; and it has been j u s t l y observed, that n o r e d u c t i o n w o u l d t a k e p l a c e i n t h e p r i c e o f c o r n, a l t h o u g h l a n dl o r d s s h o u l d f o r e g o t h e w h o l e o f t h e i r r e n t. Such a measure would only enable some farmers to live like gentlemen, but would not diminish the quantity of labour necessary to raise raw produce on the least productive land in cultivation." (p. 63.)

313 "I always consider it as the result of a p a r t i a l m o n o p o l y, never really regulatlng price" (...), "but rather as the effect of it. If a l l r e n t w e r e r e l i n q u i s h e d b y l a n d l o r d s, I am [of] opinion, that the commodities produced on the land would be no cheaper, because there is always a portion of the same commodities produced on land, for which n o r e n t is or can be paid, as the s u r p l u s p r o d u c e is only sufficient to pay the profits of stock." (Ric[ardo], "Princ." l.c.p. 332, 333.)

314 "The rise of rent is a l w a y s the effect of the increasing wealth of the country, a n d o f t h e d i f f c u l t y o f p r o v i d i n g f o o d f o r i t s a u g m e n t e d p o p u l a t i o n." (p. 65, 66.)

314) "Wealth increases most rapidly in those countries where the disposable land 1*) is most fertile, where importation is least restricted, and where through agricultural improve-ments, productions can be multiplied without any increase in the proportional quantity of labour, and where c o n s e q u e n t l y t h e p r o g r e s s o f r e n t i s s l o w." (p. 66, 67.)

315 "If the highprice of corn were the effect, and not the cause of rent, price would be proportionally influenced as rents were high or low, and r e n t w o u l d b e a c o m p o n e n t p a r t o f p r i c e. But that corn which is produced by the greatest quantity of labour is the regulator of the price of corn; and rent does not and cannot enter m the least degree as a c o m p o n e n t p a r t o f i t s p r i c e... Raw material enters into the composition of most commodities, but the v a l u e of that raw material, as well as corn, is regulated by the p r o d u c t i v e n e v e s s o f t h e p o r t i o n o f c a p i t a l l a s t e m p l o y e d o n t h e l a n d, a n d p a y i n g n o r e n t; and t h e r ef o r e rent is not a c o m p o n e n t p a r t o f t h e p r i c e of commodities." (p. 67.)

318 "We have seen, that with every portion of additional capital which it becomes necessary to employ on the land with a less productive return, rent would rise." (...) "It follows from the same principles, that any circumstances in the society which should make it unnecessary to employ the same amount of capital on the land, and which should therefore make the portion last employed more productive, would lower rent." (p. 68.)

318 "The same effects may however be produced, when the wealth and population of a country are mcreased, if that increase is accompanied by such marked improvements in

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agriculture, as shall have the same effect of diminishing the necessity of cultivating the poorer lands, or of expending the same amount of capital on the cultivation of the more fertile portions." (p. 68, 69.)

319 "With the same population, and no more, there can be no demand for any additional quantity of corn." (p. 69.)

319 "Our enormous increase of consumption in 1848, 49, 50, shows that we were previously u n d e r f e d, and that prices were forced up by the deficiency of supply." (p. 158, F.W. Newman, "Lectures on Pol. Ec.", Lond. 1851.)

319 "The Ricardo argument", that rent cannot enhance price, "turns on the assumption that the power of demanding rent can in no case of real life d i m i n i s h s u p p l y. But why not?

There are very considerable tracts which would immediately have been cultivated if no rent could have been demanded for them, but w h i c h w e r e a r t i f i c i a l l y k e p t v ac a n t, either because landlords could let them advantageously as shooting ground, or prefer the romantic wilderness to a petty and nominal rent which alone they could get by allowing them to be cultivated." (p. 159.)

320 ..."increased the p r o d u c t i v e p o w e r s o f t h e l a n d... s u c h a s t h e m o r e s k i l l e d r o t a t i o n o f c r o p s, o r t h e b e t t e r c h o i c e o f m a n u r e. These improvements absolutely enable us to obtain the same produce from a smaller quantity of land." ([Ricardo, "On the principles of political economy, and taxation", London 1821,] p. 70.)

320 "If, for example, the successive portions of capital yielded 100, 90, 80, 70; whilst I employed these four portions, my rent would be 60, or the difference between 70 and 100 = 30\ /100 70 and 90 = 20 ¦ ¦ 90

70 and 80 = 10 > whilst the produce would be [340] < 80

¦ ¦ 70

-- ¦ ¦ -- 60/ \340

and while I employed these portions, the r e n t w o u l d r e m a i n t h e s a m e, although the produce of each should have an e q u a l augmentation." (...) "If, instead of 100, 90, 80, 70, the produce should be increased to 125, 115, 105, and 95, the rent would still be 60, or the difference between¦¦608¦ 95 and 125 = 30\ /125 95 and 115 = 20 ¦ ¦ 115 95 and 105 = 10 > whilst the produce would < 105 ¦ be increased to 440 ¦ 95 -- ¦ ¦ -- 60/ \440

But with such an increase of produce, w i t h o u t a n i n c r e a s e o f d e m a n d, there could be no motive for employing so much capital on the land; one portion would be withdrawn, and consequently the last portion of capital would yield 105 instead of 95, and rent would fall to 30, or the difference between 105 and 125 = 20\ /125 105 and 115 = 10 ¦ ¦ 115 > whilst theproduce will still adequade < 105 -- ¦ to the wants of the population, for ¦ --(p. 71, 72.) 30/ it would be 345 qrs. \345"

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321 "But there are improvements which may lower the relative value of produce without lowering the c o r n r e n t, though they will lower the m o n e y r e n t o f l a n d. Such improvements do not increase the productive powers of the land; but they enable us to obtain its produce w i t h l e s s l a b o u r. They are rather directed to the f o r m a t i o n o f t h e c a p i t a l a p p l i e d t o t h e l a n d, than to the c u l t i v a t i o n o f t h e l a n d i t s e l f. I m p r o v e m e n t s i n a g r i c u l t ur a l i m p l e m e n t s, such as the plough and the thrashing machine, economy in the use of horses employed in husbandry, and a better knowledge of the veterinary art, are of this nature.

Less c a p i t a l, which is t h e s a m e t h i n g a s l e s s l a b o u r, will be employed on the land; but to o b t a i n t h e s a m e p r o d u c e, l e s s l a n d c a n n o t b e c u l t i v a t e d. Whether improvements of this kind, however, affect corn r e n t, must depend on ihe question, whether the difference between the produce obtained by the employment of different portions of capital be increased, stationary, or diminished." [p. 73.]

322 "If four portions of capital, 50, 60, 70, 80, be employed on the land, giving each t h e s a m e r e s u l t s, and any improvement in the formation of such capital should enable me to with-draw 5 from each, so that they should be 45, 55, 65 and 75, no alteration would take place in the corn rent; but if the improvements would be such as to enable me to make the whole saving on that portion of capital, which is least productively employed, corn rent would immediately fall, because the difference between the capital most productive, and the capital ¦¦609¦ least productive, would be diminished; and i t i s t h i s d i f f er e n c e w h i c h c o n s t i t u t e s r e n t." (p. 73, 74.)

325 "Whatever diminishes the i n e q u a l i t y i n t h e p r o d u c e obtained from successive portions of capital employed on the same or on new land, tends to lower rent; and whatever i n c r e a s e s t h a t i n e q u a l i t y, necessarily produces an opposite effect, and tends to raise it." (p. 74.)

325 "These people have a legal right to maintenance o u t o f t h e p r o p e r t y t h e y h a v e m o s t l y c r e a t e d b y t h e i r i n d u s t r y ... It is said that the men who have made fortunes by the cotton industry are those upon whom it is especially incumbent to come forward with a generous relief. No doubt it is so ... the mercantile and manufacturing sections have done so ... But are these the only class which has made money by the cotton manufacture? Assuredly not. The landed proprietors of Lancashire and North Cheshire have enormously participated in the wealth thus produced. And it is the peculiar advantage of these proprietors to have participated in the wealth without lending a hand or a thought to the industry that created it... The mill-owner has given his capital, his skill, and his unwinking vigilance to the ¦¦612¦ creation of this great industry, now staggering under so heavy a blow; the millhand has given his skill, h i s t i m e, and his bodily labour; but what have the landed proprietors of Lancashire given?

Nothing at all - literally nothing; and yet they have made from it more substantial gains than either of the other classes ... it is certain that the increase of the yearly income of these Great landlords, attributable to this single cause, in something enormous, probably not less than three-fold." ["The Morning Star", 15.Juli 1862.]

326 "this rent" (of mines), "as well as the rent of land, is the effect, and never the cause of the h i g h v a l u e of their produce." ([Ricardo, "On the Principles of political economy...", London 1821,] p. 76.)

326 "The metal produced from the poorest mine that is worked, must at least have an ex-hangeable value, not only sufficient to procure all the clothes, food, and other necessaries consumed by those employed in working it, and bringing the produce to market, b u t a l s o t o a f f o r d t h e c o m m o n a n d o r d i n a r y p r o f i t s to him who advances the stock necessary

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to carry on the undertaking. The return for capital from the poorest mine paying no rent, would regulate the rent of all the other more productive mines. T h i s m i n e i s s u pp o s e d t o y i e l d t h e u s u a l p r o f i t s o f s t o c k A l l t h a t t h e o t h e r m i n e s p r od u c e m o r e t h a n t h i s, will necessarily be paid to the owners for rent." (p. 76, 77.)

327 "If e q u a l q u a n t i t i e s o f l a b o u r, w i t h e q u a l q u a n t i t i e s o f f i x e d c ap i t a l, could at all times obtain, from that mme which paid no rent, e q u a l q u a n t i t i e s o f g o l d ... the q u a n t i t y" (of gold) "would e n l a r g e w i t h t h e d e m a n d, but i t s v a l u e w o u l d b e i n v ar i a b l e." (p. 79.)

328 "I believe that as yet in every country, from the rudest to the most refined, there is land of such a quality that it cannot y i e l d a p r o d u c e m o r e t h a n s u f f ic i e n t l y v a l u a b l e to replace the stock employed upon it, together with the p r o f i l s o r d i n a r y a n d u s u a l in that country. In A m e r i c a we all know that is the case, and yet no one maintains that the principles which regulate rent, are different in that country and in Europe." (p. 389, 390.)

329 "But if it were true that England had so far advanced in cultivation, that at this time there were no lands remaining which did not afford a rent, it would be equally true, that there formerly must have been such lands; and that whether there be or not, is of no importance to this question, for it is the same thing if there be any capital employed in Great Britain on land which yields only the return of stock with its ordinary profits, whether it be employed on old or on new land. If a farmer agrees for land on a lease of 7 or 14 years, he may propose to employ on it a capital of 10 000 l., knowing that at the existing price of grain and raw produce, he can replace that part of his stock which he is obliged to expend, pay his rent, and obtain the general rate of profit. He will not employ 11 000 l., unless that last 1000 l. can be employed so productively as to afford him the usual profits of stock. In h i s c a l c u l a t i o n, w h e t h e r h e s h a l l e m p l o y i t o r n o t, he c o n s i d e r s o n l y w h e t h e r t h e p r i c e o f r a w p r o d u c e i s s u f f i c i e n t t o r ep l a c e h i s e x p e n s e s a n d p r o f i t s, f o r h e k n o w s, t h a t h e s h a l l h a v e n o a d d it i o n a l r e n t t o p a y. Even at the expiration of his lease his rent will not be raised; for if his landlord should require rent, because this additional 1000 l. was employed, he would withdraw it; since, by employing it, he gets, by the supposition, only the ordinary and usual profits which he may obtain by any other employment of stock; and, therefore, he c a n n o t a f f o r d t o p a y r e n t f o r i t, unless the p r i c e o f r a w p r o d u c e s h o u l d f u r t h e r r i s e, or, w h i c h i s t h e s a m e t h i n g, unless t h e u s u a l a n d g e n e r a l r a t e o f p r o f i t s s h o u l d f a l l" (p. 390, 391.)

333 "If the comprehensive mind of A. Smith had been directed to this fact, he would not have maintained that rent forms o n e o f t h e c o m p o n e n t p a r t s o f t h e p r i c e o f r a w p r o d u c e; for price is everywhere r e g u l a t e d by the return [obtained] of this last portion of capital, for which no rent whatever is paid." (p.39.)

334 "The whole principle of rent is here admirably and perspicuously explained, but every word is as applicable to land as it is to mines; yet he affirms that 'it is otherwise in estates above ground etc.'" (p. 392.)

334 "The proportion, both of their produce and of their rent, is in proportion" (sagt A. Smith) "to their a b s o l u t e, and not to their r e l a t i v e fertility." (p. 392.)

334 "But, suppose that t h e r e w e r e n o l a n d w h i c h d i d n o t a f f o r d a r e n t; then, t h e a m o u n t o f r e n t o n t h e w o r s t l a n d w o u l d b e i n p r o p o r t i o n t o t h e e x c e s s o f t h e v a l u e o f t h e p r o d u c e a b o v e t h e e x p e n d i t u r e o f c a p i t a l a n d t h e o r d i n a r y p r o f i t s o f s t o c k: the same principle would govern the rent of land of a somewhat better quality, or more favourably situated, and, therefore, the rent of this land would exceed the rent of that inferior to it, by the superior advantages

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which it possessed; the same might be said of that of the third quality, and so on to the very best. Is it not, then, as certain, that it is the r e l a t i v e f e r t i l i t y o f t h e l a n d, which determines the portion of the produce, which shall be paid for the rent of land, as it isthat the r e l a t i v e f e r t i l i t y o f m i n e s, determines the portion of their produce, which shall be paid for the rent of mines?" (p.392, 393.)

336 "After A. Smith has declared that there are some mines w h i c h c a n o n l y b e w o r k e d b y t h e o wn e r s, as they will afford only sufficient to defray the expense of working, together with the ordinary profits of the capital employed, w e s h o u l d e x p e c t t h a t h e w o u l d a d m i t t h a t i t w a s t h e s e p a r t ic u l a r m i n e s w h i c h r e g u l a t e d t h e p r i c e o f t h e p r o d u c e f r o m a l l m i n e S. If the old mines are insufficient to supply the quantity of coal required, the p r i c e o f c o o l w i l l r i s e, and will continue rising till the owner of a new and inferior mine finds that he can obtain the usual profits of stock by working the mine ... It appears, then, that i t i s a l w a y s t h e l e a s t f e r t i l e m i n e w h i c h r e g u l a t e s t h e p r i c e f o r c o a l. A. Smith, however, is of a different opinion: he observes that the most fertile coal mine, too, regulates the price of coals at all the other mines in its neighbourhood. Both the proprietor and the undertaker of the work find, the one, that he can get a greater rent, the other, that he can get a greater profit, by somewhat underselling all their neighbours. Their neighbours are soon obliged to sell a t t h e s a m e p r i c e, though they cannot so well afford it, and though it always diminishes, and sometimes takes away altogether, both their rent and their profit. Some Works are abandoned altogether; others can afford no rent, a n d c a n b e w r o u g h t o n l y b y t h e p r o p r i e t o r'. If the demand for coal should ¦¦617a¦ be diminished, or if by new processes the quantity should be increased, the p r i c e w o u l d f a l l, and some mines would be a b a n d o n e d; but in e v e r y c a s e, the p r i c e m u s t b e s u f f i c i e n t to p a y t h e e x p e n s e s a n d p r o f i t o f t h a t m i n e w h i c h i s w o r k e d w i t h o u t b e i n g c h a r g e d w i t h r e n t. It is, t h e r e f o r e, the least fertile mine which regulates price. Indeed, it is so stated in another place by A.Smith himself, for he says: 'T h e l o w e s t p r i c e at which coals can be s o l d for any considerable time is like that of all other commodities, the price which is barely sufficient to replace, together with its ordinary profits, them stock which must be employed in bringing the to market. At a c o a l m i n e f o r w h i c h t h e l a n d l o r d c a n g e t n o r e n t, but which he must either work himself, or let it alone all together, t h e p r i c e o f c o a l s m u s t g e n e r a l l y b e n e a r l y a b o u t t h i s p r i c e.'" (p. 393-395.)

339 ... "no part of that additional proportion would go to rent, but the whole in invariably to profits ... while lands of the same quality were cultivated, and there was no alteration in their relative fertility or advantages, r e n t w o u l d a l w a y s b e a r t h e s a m e P r o p o r t i o n t o t h e g r o s s p r o d u c e." (p. 396.)

339 "Dr.Smith's error, throughout his whole work, lies in supposing that the value of corn is constant; that though the value of all other things may, the value of corn never can be raised.

Corn, according to him, is always of the same value because it will always feed the same number of people. In the same manner, it might be said, that cloth is always of the same value, because it will always make the same number of coats. What can value have to do with the power of feeding and clothing?" (p. 449, 450.)

340 "... Dr.Smith ... has so ably supported the doctrine of the natural price of commodities ultimately regulating their market price." (p. 451.)

340 "... estimated in corn, gold may be of very different value in two countries. I have endeavoured to show that it will be low in rich countries, and high in poor countries; A. Smith is of a different opinion: he thinks that the value of gold, estimated in corn, is highest in rieh countries." (p. 454.)

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340 "Rent is a creation of value ... but not a creation of wealth." (p. 485.)

340 "In speaking of the high price of corn, Mr. Malthus evidently does not mean the price per quarter or per bushel, but rather the excess of price for which the whole produce will sell, above the cost of its production, including always in the term 'cost of its production', profits as well as wages. One hundred and fifty qrs. of corn at 3 l. 10 sh. per qr., would yield a larger rent to the landlord than 100 qr. at 4 l., provided the cost of production were in both cases the same." (p.487.) "Whatever the nature of the land may be, high rent must depend on the high price of the produce; but, given the high price, rent must be high in proportion to abundance and not to scarcity." (p. 492.)

340 "As rent is the effect of the high price of corn, the loss of rent is the effect of a low price. Foreign corn never enters into competition with such home corn as affords a rent; the fall of price invariably affects the landlord till the whole of his rent is absorbed; - if it fall still more, the price will not even afford the common profits of stock; capital will then quit the land for some other employment, and the corn, which was before grown upon it, will then, and not till then, be imported. From the loss of rent, there will be a loss of value, of estimated money value, but, there will be a gain of wealth. The amount of the raw produce and other productions together will be increased; from the greater facility with which they are produced, they will, though augmented in quantity, be diminished in value." p. 519.)

Vierzehntes Kapitel

341 "le capital qui fournit la sémence" (Rohstoff) "paie le travail, achète et entretient les bestiaux et autres i n s t r um e n s de labourage." ([Smith, "Recherches sur la nature et les causes de la richesse des nations." t.I, Paris 1802,] p. 299.)

341 "Tout ce qui reste du produit ou de son prix au-delà de cette portion" {qui paie le capital avancé "et en outre les profits ordinaires"}, "quel que puisse être ce reste, le p r op r i é t a i r e tâche de se le reserver comme r e n t e de sa terre." (l.c.p. 300.)

341 "Ce s u r p l u s peut toujours être regardé comme la r e n t e n a t u r e l l e de la terre." (p. 300.)

342 "Le proprietaire exige une rente même pour la terre non améliorée." (p. 300, 301.)

342 "Il" (le propriátaire) "exige quelquefois une rente pour ce qui est tout-à-fait incapable d'être amélioré' par la main des hommes." (p. 301.)

342 "La rente de la terre, considérée comme le prix payé pour l'usage de la terre, est donc naturellement un prix de monopole." (p. 302.)

342 "Si le prix ordinaire est plus que suffisant, le s u r p l u s en ira naturellement à la rente de la terre. S'il n'est juste que süffisant, la marchandise p o u r r a bien être portée au marché, mais elle ne peut fournir à payer une reute au propriétaire. Le prix sera-t-il ou ne sera-t-il pas plus que süffisant? C'est ce qui dépend de la demande." (t.I, p. 302, 303.)

342 "Ces trois parties semblent constituer immédiatement ou en définitif la totalité du prix." (t.I,l.I, ch. VI, p. 101.)

343 "Néanmoins dans les societes les plus avancés, il y a toujours quelques marchandises mais en petit nombre, dont l e p r i x s e r é s o u t e n d e u x p a r t i e s s e u l e m e n t; les s a l a i r e s d u t r a v a i l e t l e s p r o f i t s d e s f o n d s, et d'autres en beaucoup plus petit nombre encore, d o n t l e p r i x c o n s i s t e u n i q u e m e n t e n s a l a i r e s d e t r a v a i l.

Dans le prix du poisson de mer, par exemple, une partie paie le travail des pecheurs, et l'autre les profits du capital placé dans la

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pêcherie. II est rare que la r e n t e fasse partie de ¦¦620¦ ce prix ... Dans quelques endroits de l'Écosse, il y a de pauvres gens qui font métier de chercher le long des bords de la mer "ces petites pierres tachetées, connues vulgairement sous le nom de c a i l l o u x d' É c o s s e. Le prix que leur pais le l a p i d a i r e est en entier le s a l a i r e d e l e u r t r a v a i l; i l n' y e n t r e n i r e n t e n i p r o f i t. Mais la t o t a l i t é d u p r i x d e c h a q u e m a r c h a n d i s e doit toujours, en dernière analyse, se résoudre en q u e l q u' u n e d e c e s p a r t i e s o u e n t o u t e s t r o i s." (t.I, l.I, ch.

VI, p. 103, 104.)

343 ..."l a t o t a l i t é d u p r i x d e c h a q u e m a r c h a n d i s e doit toujours ... se résoudre e n q u e l q u' u n e de c e s p a r t i e s ou e n t o u t e s trois."

344 "Quand ces trois différentes sortes de revenus appartiennent à différentes personnes, il est aisé de les distinguer; mais quand ils appartiennent à la même personne, on les confond quelquefois l'un avec l'autre, au moins dans le langage ordinaire.» (t.I, l.I, ch. VI, p. 106.)

344 "Comme dans un pays civilisé il n'y a que très-peu de marchandises dont t o u t e l a v a l e u r é c h a n g ea b l e procède d u t r a v a i l s e u l e m e n t," (hier travail und salaire identifiziert) "et que, dans la très-majeure partie d'entr'elles, la r e n t e et le p r o f i t contribuent pour de fortes portions, il en résulte que le p r o d u i t a n n u e l d u t r a v a i l d e c e p a y s" {hier also doch die marchandises gleich p r o d u i t du t r a v a i l, obgleich toute la valeur de ce produit ne procède du travail seulement) "suffira toujours pour a c h e t e r et c o m m a n d e r une q u a n t i t é d e t r a v a i l b e a u c o u p p l u s g r a n d e q u e c e l l e q u 'i l a f a l l u e m p l o y e r p o u r f a i r e c r o î t r e c e p r o d u i t, l e p r ép a r e r e t l' a m e n e r a u m a r c h é." (l.c.p. 108, 109.)

345 "Comme dans un pays civilisé il n'y a que très-peu de marchandises dont t o u t e l a v a l e u r é c h a n g ea b l e procède d u t r a v a i l s e u l e m e n t, et que, dans la tres-majeure partie d'entr'elles, la rente et le profit y c o n t r i b u e n t pour de fortes portions, il en résulte que le produit annuel du travail de ce pays suffira toujours pour achéter et commander u n e q u a n t i t é d e t r a v a i l beaucoup plus grande que celle qu'il a f a l l u e mp l o y e r p o u r f a i r e c r o î t r e c e p r od u i t, l e p r é p a r e r e t l' a m e n e r a u m a rc h é."

345 "Il faut observer que la valeur réelle de toutes les différentes parties constituantes du prix se mesure par la q u a n t i t é d e t r a v a i l q u e c h a c u n e d' e l l e s p e u t a c h e t e r o u c o m m a n d e r. Le travail" (in diesem Sinn) "mesure la valeur, non-seulement de cette partie du prix qui se r é s o u t en t r a v a i l" (soll heißen: en salaires), "mais encore de celle qui se r é s o u t en r e n t e, et de celle qui se r e s o u t en p r o f i t." (t.I, l.I, ch. VI, p. 100.)

346 "Un ouvrier indépendant qui a u n p e t i t c a p i t a l süffisant pour acheter des matieres et pour subsister jusqu'à ce qu'il puisse porter son ouvrage au marché, gagnera à la fois, et les s a l a i r e s d u j o u r n a l i e r qui travaille sous un m a î t r e, et le profit que ferait le maître sur l'ouvrage de celui-ci. Cependant la totalité de ce que gagne cet ouvrier se nomme p r o f i t, et les salaires sont encore ici confondus dans le profit. Un jardinier qui cultive de ses mains son propre jardin, réunit à la fois dans sa personne les t r o i s d i f f é r e n s c a r a c t è r e s de p r o pr i é t a i r e, d e f e r m i e r e t d' o u v r i e r. Ainsi le produit de son jardin doit lui payer la rente du premier, le profit du second et le salaire du troisième. Néanmoins le tout est regardé communément comme le f r u i t d e s o n t r a v a i l. Ici la rente et le profit se confondent dans le salaire." (t.I, l.I, ch. VI, p. 105.)

347 "Salaire, profit et rente sont l e s t r o i s s o u rc e s p r i m i t i v e s de tout r e v e n u, a u s s i b i e n que de t o u t e v a l e u r é c h a n g e a b l e." (t. I, l.I, ch. VI, p. 105.)

348) Lorsque le prix d'une marchandise n'est ni plus ni moins que ce qu'il faut pour payer suivant leurs taux n a t u r e l s, e l l a r e n t e d e l a t e r r e e t l e s s a l a ir e s d u t r a v a i l, et l e s p r o f i t s d u

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c a p i t a l e m p l o y é à la produire, la préparer et la conduire au marché, alors cette marchandise est vendue ce qu'on peut appeler s o n p r i x n a t u r e l. La marchandise est alors vendue p r é c i s é m e n t c e q u ' e l l e v a u t." (I, p. 111.)

348 "Le p r i x d e m a r c h é de chaque marchandise particulière est déterminé par la proportion entre la quantité de cette marchandise existante actuellement au marché, et les demandes de ceux qui sont disposés à en payer le p r i x n a t ur e l ou la v a l e u r e n t i è r e d e s r e n t e, profit et salaire q u' i l f a u t p a y e r pour qu'elle vienne au marché." (p. 112.)

348 "Quand la quantité d'une marchandise quelconque, amenée au marché, so trouve a u d e s s o u s de la demande effective, tous ceux qui sont dispose's à payer l a v a l e u r e n t i è r e d e s r e n t e, s a l a i r e s e t p r o f i t s qu'il en coûte pour amener cette marchandise au marché, ne peuvent se fournir de la quantité qu'il leur faut... l e p r i x d e m a r c h é s'élèvera plus ou moins a u d e s s u s du p r i x n a t u r e l, suivant que la g r a n d e u r d u d é f i c i t, ou suivant que l a r i c h e s s e ou la fantaisie des concurrens viendra à animer plus ou moins la chaleur de cette concurrence." (p. 113.)

348 "Quand la quantité' amenée au marché excède la demande effective, elle ne peut être toute vendue à ceux qui consetent à payer la valeur entière des rentes, salaires et profits qu'il en a coûte' pour l'y amener ... Le p r i x d e m a r c h é tombera alors plus ou moins au dessous du p r i x n a t u r e l, selon que la quantité de l'excédent augmentera plus ou moins la concurrence des vendeurs, ou suivant qu'il leur importera plus ou moins de se deféire sur-le-champ de la marchandise." (I, p. 114.)

349 "Quand la quantité amenée au marche* suffit tout juste pour remplir la demande effective, le p r i x d e m a r c h é se trouve naturellement être précisément ... le même que le p r i x n a t u r e l ... La concurrence des differens vendeurs les oblige à accepter ce prix, mais celle ne les oblige pas à accepter moins." (I, p. 114, 115.)

349 "Si cette quantité" (amenée au marché) "excéde pendant quelque tems la demande effective, il faut que quel-qu'une des parties constituantes de son prix soit payée au dessous de son p r i x n a t u r e l. Si c' e s t l a r e n t e, I'intérêt des proprietaires les portera sur-le-champ à r e t i r e r u n e p a r t i e d e l e u r t e r r e d e c e t e m p l o i." (I, p. 115.)

349 "Si au contraire la quantité amenée au marché restait, pendant quelque tems, a u d e s s o u s d e l a d e m a n d e e f f e c t i v e, quelquesuns des parties constituantes de son prix hausseraient nécessairement au dessus de leur taux n a t u r e. S i c' e s t l a r e n t e, l'intérêt de tous les autres propriétaires les portera naturellement à disposer une plus grande quantité de terre à la production de cette marchandise." (I, p. 116.)

349 "Les fluctuations accidentelles et momentanes qui surviennent dans le p r i x d e m a r c h é d'une denrée, tombent principalement sur ces parties de son prix, qui se résolvent en salaires et en profits. La partie qui se résout en rente en est moins affectée." (p. 118, 119.)

349 "Le p r i x d e m o n o p o l e est, à tous les momens, le plus haut qu'il soit possible de retirer. Le p r i x n a t u r e l ou le prix résultant de la libre concurrence est au contraire le plus bas qu'on puisse accepter, non pas à la vérité à tous les momens, mais pour un tems un peu considérable de suite." (I, p. 124.)

349 "Quoique le p r i x d e m a r c h é d'une marchandise particuliere puisse continuer long-tems a rester au dessus du p r i x n a t u r e l, il est difficile qu'il puisse continuer long-tems à rester au dessous. Q u e l l e q u e s o i t l a p a r t i e d e c e p r i x q u i s o i t p a y e e a u d e s s o u s d u t a u x n a t u r e l, les personnes qui y ont intérêt sentiront bientôt le dommage qu'elles éproubent, et a u s s i t ô t

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e l l e s r e t i r e r o n t, o u t a n t d e t e r r e, ou tant de travail, ou tant de capitaux d e c e g e n r e d' e m p l o i, que la quantité de cette marchandise qui sera amenée au marché ne sera bientôt plus que suffisante pour répondre à la demande effective. Ainsi son p r i x d e m a r c h é remontera bientôt au p r i x n a t u r e l, au moins sera-ce le cas partout où règne une entière liberté." (I, p. 125.)

350 ... "l a v a l e u r e n t i è r e d e s r e n t e, profit et salaire q u' i l f a u t p a y e r p o u r q u' e l l e v i e n n e a u m a r c h é." (I. p. 112.)

350 "On ne p e u t p o r t e r o r d i n a i r e m e n t a u m a r c h é que ces parties seulement du produit de la terre dont l e p r i x o r d i n a i r e e s t suffisant p o u r r e m p l a c e r l e c a p i t a l q u' i l f a u t e m p l o y e r p o u r l e s y p o r t e r, e t l e s p r o f i t s o r d i n a i r e s d e c e c a p i t a l." (p. 302, 303.)

350 "Si le p r i x o r d i n a i r e est p l u s q u e s u f f i s a n t" (um remplacer le capital et payer les profits ordinaires de ce capital), "le s u r p l u s en ira naturellement à la rente de la terre. S'il n'est juste que suffisant, la m a r c h a n d i s e p o u r r a b i e n ê t r e p o r t é e a u m a r c h é, mais elle ne peut fournir à payer une rente au propriétaire. Le prix sera-t-il ou ne sera-t-il pas plus que suffisant? C'est ce qui dépend de la demande." (ch. XI, l.I.) (I,p. 302, 303.)

351 "Il y a quelques parties du produit de la terre dont la demande doit toujours être teile, qu'elles rapporteront un prix plus fort que ce qui est suffisant pour les faire venir au marché, et il y en a d'autres dont il se peut que la demande soit teile, qu'elles rapportent ce prix plus fort que le p r i x s u f f i s a n t, et dont il se peut aussi qu'elle soit telle, qu'elles ne le rapportent pas. Les premières doivent toujours fournir de quoi payer une rente au proprietaire; les derniers peuvent quelquefois fournir de quoi en payer une et quelquefois ne le pas fournir, suivant la difference des circonstances.» (l.c., I,p. 303.)

352 "II faut donc o b s e r v e r" (...) "que la r e n t e e n t r e d a n s l a c o m p o s i t i o n d u p r i x d e s m a r c h a n d i s e s, d' u n e a u t r e m a n i ér e q u e n' y e n t r e n t l e s s a l a i r e s e t l e s p r o f i t s ... Le t a u x h a u t o u b a s d e s s a l a i r e s o u d e s p r o f i t s est la cause d u h a u t o u t o s p r i x d e s ¦¦625¦ m a r c h a nd i s e s: l e t a u x h a u t o u b a s d e l a r e nt e est l'effet d u p r i x; le prix d'une m a r c h a nd i s e p a r t i c u l i è r e est haut ou bas, p a r c e q u' i l f a u t, p o u r l a f a i r e v e n i r a u m a r c h é, p a y e r d e s s a l a i r e s e t d e s p r o f i t s h a u t s o u b a s; m a i s c' e s t p a r c e q u e s o n p r i x e s t h a u t o u b a s, c'est parce qu'il est ou beaucoup plus, ou guère plus, ou p o i nt d u t o u t p l u s q u e c e q u i e s t s u f f i s a n t p o u r p a y e r c e s s a l a i r e s e t c e s p r o f i t s, que cette marchandise fournit de quoi payer une forte rente ou une faible rente, ou ne fournit pas de quoi en payer une." (I, p. 303, 304.)

354 "P r e m i e r e s e c t i o n. D u p r o d u i t q u i f o u r n i t t o u j o u r s d e q u o i p a y e r u n e r e n t e." [l.c.p. 305.]

354 "Les hommes, comme toutes les autres espèces animales, se m u l t i p l i a n t n a t u r e l l e m e n t e n p r op o r t i o n d e s m o y e n s d e l e u r s u b s is t a n c e, il y a t o u j o u r s p l u s o u m o i n s d e m a n d e d e n o u r r i t u r e. Toujours la nourriture pourra acheter ou commander une quantité plus ou moins grande de travail, et toujours il se trouvera quelqu'un disposé à faire quelque chose pour la gagner." (l. I, ch. XI.) (I, p. 305.)

354 "Or" {why?}, "la t e r r e, dans presque toutes les situations possibles, p r o d u i t p l u s d e n o u r r it u r e que ce qu'il faut p o u r f a i r e s u b s i s t e r t o u t l e t r a v a i l qui concourt à mettre cette nourriture au marché, et même le faire subsister de la manière la plus libérale qui ait jamais eu lieu pour ce genre de travail. Le s u r p l u s de cette nourriture est aussi toujours plus que suffisant p o u r r e m p l a c e r a v e c p r o f i t l e c a p i t a l q u i f a l l m o u v o i r c e t r a v a i l.

Ainsi, il reste toujours quelque chose pour donner une rente au propriétaire." (l.c. I, p. 305, 306.)

355) "La rente varie selon la fertilité de la terre, quel que soit son produit, et selon sa Situation, quelle que soit sa fertilité." (p. 306.)

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355 Il faut donc que ce dernier produit fasse subsister une plus grande quantité de travail; et par conséquent que le s u r p l u s, d o n t l e p r o f i t d u f e r m i e r et l a r e n t e d u p r o p r i é t a i r e s o n t t i r é s t o u s l e s d e u x, en soit d'autant diminué." (I, p. 307.)

355 "Une p i è c e d e b l é, d'une fertilité médiocre, produit une beaucoup p l u s g r a n d e q u a n t i t é d e n o u r r i t u r e p o u r l' h o m m e, que la meilleure prairie d'une pareille étendue." {...} "Quoique sa culture exige p l u s d e t r a v a i l, cependant le s u r p l u s qui reste après le remplacement de la semence et la s u b s i s t a n c e d e t o u t c e t r a v a i l, est encore beaucoup plus considérable." {...} "Ainsi, en supposant qu'une livre de viande de boucherie ne v a l u t j a m a i s p l u s qu'une livre de pain, cet e x c é d e n t" (...) "p l u s f o r t" {...} "serait partout d'une p l u s g r a n d e v a l e u r" {...} "et formerait un fonds plus abondant, tant pour le profit du fermier; que pour la r e n t e du propriétaire." (p. 308, 309.)

356 ..."les p r o f i t s e t l a r e n t e q u e c e t t e t e r r e m i s e e n l a b o u r a u r a i t p u r a pp o r t e r a u f e r m i e r e t a u p r o p r i ét a i r e. Quand les bestiaux sont venus au même marché, ceux qui ont été nourris au milieu des friches les plus incultes, sont, à proportion du poids et de la qualité, vendus au même prix que ceux qui ont été éléves sur la terre la mieux cultivée. Les propriétaires de ces friches en profitent, et ils haussent la rente de leurs terres en p r o p o r t i o n d u p r i x d u b é t a i l qu'elles nourrissent" (...) "... C'est ainsi que, dans le progrès de l'amélioration des terres, les r e n t e s e t p r o f i t s d e s p â t u r e s i n c u l t e s viennent à se régler en quelque sorte sur les rentes et profits de celles qui sont cultivées, et c e l l e s - c i, à l e u r t o u r, s u r l e s r e n t e s e t p r o f i t s d e s t e r r e s à b l é" (I, p. 310, 311.)

356 "Partout où il n'y a pas d'avantage local..., la rente et le profit que donne le blé ou tout autre végétal qui sert à la nourriture generale du peuple, doivent naturellement regier la rente et le profit que donnera une terre propre à cette production, et qui sera mise en nature de pré." (p. 315.)

"L'usage des prairies artificielles, des turneps, carotes, choux, etc. et t o u s l e s a u t r e s e x p é d i e n s dont on s'est avisé pour q u' u n e m ê m e q u a n t i t é d e t e r r e p û t n o u r r i r u n p l u s g r a n d n o m b r e d e b e s t i a u x q u e n e f a i s a i t l a p â t u r e n a t u r e l l e, ont dû contribuer, à ce qu'il semble, à diminuer un peu cette supériorité que le prix de la viande a naturellement sur celui du pain, dans un pays bien cultivé." (l.c.) "Aussi paraissent-ils avoir produit cet effet etc." (l.c.)

357 "Dans tous les grands pays, la majeure partie des terres cultivées est employée à produire, ou de la nourriture pour les hommes, ou de la nourriture pour les bestiaux. La rente et le profit de ces terres règlent les rentes et profits de toutes les autres terres cultivées. Si quelque produit particulier fournissait moins, la terre en serait bientôt remise en blé ou en nature de pré; et s'il y en avait quelqu'un qui fournît plus, on consacrerait bientôt à ce genre de produit quelque partie des terres qui sont en blé ou en nature de prés." (I, p. 318.)

357 "Les rentes et profits de ces productions qui exigent ou de plus fortes avances primitives pour y approprier la terre, ou une plus grande dépense pour leur culture annuelle, quoique souvent fort supérieurs aux rentes et profits des blés et de l'herbe des prés, cependant, dans tous les cas où ils ne font que compenser les avances ou dépenses extra-ordinaires, sont en effet réglés par les rentes et profits de ces deux espèces ordinaires de récoltes." (I, p. 323, 324.)

357 "C'est ainsi que la rente des terres cultivées pour produire la nourriture des hommes, règle la rente de la plupart des autres terres cultiveés." (I, p. 331.) "En Europe, c'est le blé qui est la principale production de la terre servant immédiatement à la nourriture de l'homme.

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Ainsi, excepté quelques circonstances particulieres, la rente des terres à blé règle en Europe celle de toutes les autres terres cultivées." (l.c.p. 331, 332.)

357 ..."alors l a r e n t e du propriétaire o u l' e x c éd e n t d e n o u r r i t u r e qui lui resterait après le paiement du travail et le remboursement du capital et des profits ordinaires du fermier, serait nécessairement beaucoup plus considérable. Quel que pût être, dans ce pays-là, le taux de la subsistance ordinaire du travail, ce p l u s g r a n d e x c e d e n t d e n o u r r i t a r e e n f e r a i t t o u j o u r s s u b s i s t e r d a v a n t a g e, et p a r c o n s é q u e n t mettrait le propriétaire en etat d'en acheter ou d'en commander une plus grande quantité." (I, p. 332.)

358 "En Caroline ... les p l a n t e u r s s o n t g é n ér a l e m e n t, comme dans les autres colonies anglaises, f e r m i e r s e t p r o p r i é t a i r e s à l a f o i s, et où par consequent la r e n t e s e c o n f o n d d a n s l e p r o f i t" (I, p. 333.)

358 "propre au blé, ni au pâturage, ni à la vigne, ni dans le fait à aucune autre production végétale bien utile aux hommes; et toutes les terres propres à ces diverses cultures ne le sont nullement a celle du riz." (p. 334) "Ainsi, meme dans les pays ä riz, la rente des terres qui le produisent, ne peut pas regier la rente des autres terres cultivées qu'il est impossible de mettre dans cette nature de rapport." (I, p. 334.)

358 ... "il en résulterait que la m ê m e q u a n t i t é d e t e r r e s c u l t i v é e s f e r a i t s u b s i s t e r u n e b i e n p l u s g r a n d e q u a n t i t é d e m o n d e, et que ceux qui travailleraient étant généralement nourris de pommes de terre, il se trouverait un excédent bien plus considérable, après le remplacement du capital et la subsistance de tout le travail employé à la culture. Il appartiendrait aussi au propriétaire une plus grande portion dans cet excedent.

La population augmenterait, et les rentes s'e"leveraient b e a u c o u p au dessus de ce qu'elles sont aujourd'hui." (I, p. 335.)

359 "Quand la quantité amenée au marché suffit tout juste pour remplir la demande effective, le p r i x d e m a r c h é se trouve naturellement être précisement... le même que le p r i x n a t u r e l." (I, p. 114.)

359 "S e c o n d e s e c t i o n. D u p r o d u i t q u i f o u r n i t q u e l q u e f o i s d e q u o i p a y e r u n e r e n t e, e t q u e l q u e f o i s n e l e f o u rn i t p a s." [l.c.p. 337.]

359 "La n o u r r i t u r e de l'homme paraît être le seul des produits de la terre qui fournisse t o u j o u r s, et n é c e s s a i r e m e n t de quoi payer u n e r e n t e q u e l c a n q u e a u p r o p r i é t a i r e." (Warum "toujours" und "nécessairement" ist nicht gezeigt worden.) «Les autres genres de produits peuvent quelquefois en rapporter une, et quelquefois ne le peuvent pas, selon les circonstances." (l.c., I, p. 337.)

359 "Les deux plus grands besoins de l'homme, a p r è s l a n o u r r i t u r e, sont le v ê t e m e n t e t l e l o g em e n t." (l.c.p. 338.)

359 ... "dans son état primitif et inculte" ... "qu'elle n'en peut n o u r r i r" ... "s u r a b o n d a n c e de ces matériaux" ... "et le prix de celles dont on fait usage est r e g a r d é c o m m e é q u i v a l e n t s e u l e m e n t a u t r a v a i l e t à l a d é p e n s e d e l e s m e t t r e e n é t a t d e s e r v i r" ... "qu'elle serait dans le cas de nourrir..." ... "tels que ces personnes voudraient les avoir et consentiraient à les payer" ... "disette" ... "ce qui augmente nécessairement leur valeur" "Il y a s o u v e n t d e m a n d e p o u r p l u s q u' o n n' e n p e u t a v o i r." ... «la dépense de les transporter au marché; ainsi leur prix peut toujours fournir quelque chose pour f a i r e u n e r e n t e au propriétaire de la terre". (I, p. 338, 339.)

360 ..."des plus gros animaux" ... "chaque homme, e n p o u rv o y a n t à s a n o u r r i t u r e, s e p o u r v o i t e n m ê m e t e m s d e m a t i è r e s d e v ê t e m e n t p o u r p l u s q u' i l n' e n p o u r r a p o r t e r" ... "a u - d e l à de

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c e q u e c o û t e l a d é p e n s e d e l e s e n v o y e r v e n d r e. Ce prix fournit d o n c quelque rente au propriétaire de la terre" ... "un peu la rente du pays qui la produisait". (I, p. 339, 340.)

360 "Les m a t i è r e s d e l o g e m e n t ne peuvent pas touj'ours se transporter à une aussi grande distance que celles de vêtement, et ne deviennent pas non plus aussi promptement un objet de commerce étranger. Lorsqu'elles sont s u r a b o nd a n t e s dans le pays qui les produit, il arrive fréquemment, même dans l'état actuel du commerce du monde, qu'elles ne sont d' a u c u n e v a l e u r pour le p r o p r i é t a i r e d e l a t e r r e." ... "dans un pays bien peuplé et bien cultivé..." ... "dans plusieurs endroits de l'Amérique septentrionale" ... "Quand il y a une telle surabondance dans les matières de logement, la partie dont on fait usage n'a d'autre valeur que le travail et la dépense qu'on a mis à la rendre propre au service. Elle ne rapporte aucune rente au propriétaire, qui en général en abandonne l'usage à quiconque prend seulement la peine de le lui demander. Cependant il peut quelquefois être dans le cas d'en retirer une rente, s' i l y a d e m a n d e de la pari de nations plus riches." (I, p. 340, 341.)

360 ... "Zahl que leur produit p e u t v ê t i r e t l o g e r, mais en raison de celui que c e p r o d u i t p e u t n o u r r i r. Quand la nourriture ne manque pas, il est aisé de trouver les choses nécessaires pour se vêtir et se loger; mais on peut avoir celles-ci sous sa main, et éprouver souvent de grandes difficultés a se procurer la nourriture. Dans quelques endroits, même du royaume d'Angleterre, le travail d'un seul homme dans une seule journée, peut bâtir ce qu'on y appelle une maison." ... "Mais quand, au moyen de la culture et de l'amélioration de la terre 1*), le t r a v a i l d' u n e s e u l e f a m i l l e p e u t f o u r n i r à l a n o u r r i t u r e d e d e u x, alors le travail d'une moitié de la société suffit pour nourrir le tout." ... "cherchent toujours à en échanger le surplus. Les pauvres, p o u r o b t en i r d e l a n o u r r i t u r e" ... "besogne" ... "une extrême subdivision de travail" ... "De là naît la demande de toute espèce de maitières que puisse mettre en oeuvre l'invention des hommes, soit pour l'utilité, soit pour la decoration des bàtimens, de la parure, de l'équipage ou du mobilier: de là la demande, de fossiles et de minéraux renfermés dans les entrailles de la terre: de lá la demande, de fossiles et de minèraux renfermés dans les entrailles de la terre: de là la demande de métaux précieux et de pierres précieuses." "A l s o z i e h t die R e n t e nicht nur ihren Ursprung von der n o u rr i t u r e, sondern liefert ein andres Erdprodukt später Rente, so schuldet es diese a d d i t i o n d e v a l e u r à l' a c c r o i s s e m e n t d e p u i s s a n c e q u' a a c q u i s l e t r a v a i l p o u r p r o d u i r e d e l a n o u r r i t u r e, au moyen de la culture et de l'amelioration de la terre." (I, p. 342-345.)

361 ..."pour que le p r i x qu'elles rendent soit a u d e l à d e c e q u' e x i g e n t l e p a i e m e n t d u t r a v a i l f a i t p o u r l e s a m e n e r a u m a r c h e e t l e r e m p l a c e m e n t d u c a p it a l e m p l o y é ¦¦630¦ p o u r l e m ê m e o b j e t a v e c s e s p r o f i t s o r d i n a i r e s. La d e m a n d e s e r a o u n e s e r a p a s a s s e z f o r t e p o u r c e l a, d' a p r à s d i f f é r e n t e s c i r c o n s t a n c e s." (I, p. 345.)

362 "Quoique ces animaux ne multiplient pas dans la même proportion que le blé, q u i e s t e n t i e r e m e n t l e f r u i t d e l' i n d u s t r i e h u m a i n e, cependant la propagation de leur espèce est favorisée par les soins et la protection de l'homme." [p. 347.]

363 "Le p r o p r i é t a i r e n' e n p e r m e t t r a i t p a s l' e x p l o i t a t i o n à d' a u t r e s s a n s e x i g e r u n e r e n t e, e t p e r s o n n e n e t r o u v e r a i t m o y e n d e l u i e n p a y e r u n e." (I, p. 346.)

364 "Le p r i x l e p l u s b a s" (früher der sufficient price) "auquel le charbon de terre puisse se vendre, pendant un certain tems, est comme celui de toutes les autres marchandises, le p r i x q u i e s t s i m p l e m e n t s u f f i s a n t pour r e m p l a c e r, avec ses p r o f i t s o r d in a i r e s, le c a p i t a l e m p l o y é à f a i r e v e n i r a u m a r c h é." (I, p. 350.)

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1*) In der Handschrift: rente

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364 "Ainsi le prix des métaux même grossiers, et plus encore celui des métaux précieux, a u x m i n e s l e s p l u s f é c o n d e s q u i e x i s t e n t, influe nécessairement sur le prix de ces métaux à toute autre mine du monde." (I,p. 351, 352.)

364 "Ainsi le prix de chaque métal à chaque mine étant réglé en quelque sorte par le prix qu'a ce métal à la mine la plus féconde qui soit pour le moment exploitée dans le Monde, il en résulte qu'à la plus grande partie des mines, ce p r i x n e d o i t g u è r e f a i r e p l u s q u e p a y e r l á d é p e n s e d e l' e x p l o i t a t i o n, et qu'il peut r a r e m e n t fournir une bien forte rente au propriétaire. Aussi à la plupart des mines, la rente ne compose-t-elle qu'une petite part dans le prix du métal, et une bien plus petite encore s'il s'agit de métaux précieux. Le travail et le profit forment la majeure partie de ce prix." (I, p. 353, 354.)

364 "Le plus bas prix auquel on puisse, pendant un certain tems, vendre les mêtaux précieux ... se règle sur les mêmes principes qui déterminent le plus bas prix ordinaire de toute autre marchandise. Ce qui le détermine, c'est le capital qu'il faul communément employer pour les faire venir de la mine au marché, c'està-dire, la quantité de nourriture, vêtement et logement qu'il faut communement consommer pour cela. Il faut que le prix soit tout au moins suffisant pour remplacer ce capital avec les profits ordinaires." (I, p. 359.)

365 "La d e m a n d e d e p i e r r e s p r é c i e u s e s vient entièrement de leur beauté. Elles ne servant à rien qu'à l'ornement, et le mérite de leur beauté est e x t r ê m em e n t r e h a u s s é p a r l e u r r a r e t é o u p a r l a d i f f i c u l t é e t l a d é p e n s e d e l e s e x t r a i r e d e l a m i n e. En conséquence, c'est de salaires et de profits qu'est composée le plus souvent la presque totalité de leur haut prix. La rente n'y entre que pour une trèsfaible partie, très-souvent elle n'y entre pour rien, et il n'y a que les mines les plus fécondes qui puissent suffire à en payer une un peu consideérable." (I. p. 361.)

365 "Le prix des métaux précieux et des pierres précieuses étant réglé pour le monde entier, par le prix qu'ils ont à la mine la plus féconde, il s'ensuit que la rente que peut rapporter au propriétaire une mine des uns ou des autres, est en proportion, non de la fécondité a b s o l u e de la mine, mais de ce qu'on peut appeler sä fécondité r e l a t i v e, c'est-à-dire, de sa supériorité sur les autres mines du meme genre. Si on decouvrait de nouvelles mines qui fussent aussi superieures à celles du Potosi, que celles-ci se sont trouvées etre superieures aux mines de l'Europe, la valeur de l'argent pourrait par-là se dégrader au point que les mines, même du Potosi, ne vaudraient pas la peine de les exploiter." (I, p. 362.)

365 "L'abondance dégrade nécessairement la valeur d'un produit, qui ne tire sa principale valeur que de sa rareté." (I, p. 363.)

365 "Il en est autrement des biens qui existent à la surface de la terre. La valeur, tant de leur produit que de leur rente, est en proportion de leur fertilité a b s o l u e et non de leur fertilité r e l a t i v e. La terre qui produit une certaine quantité de nourriture ou de matériaux de vêtement et de logement, peut toujours nourrir, vêtir et loger un certain nombre de personnes; et q u e l l e q a e s o i t l a p r o p o rt i o n d a n s l a q u e l l e l e p r o p r i é t a i r e p r e n d r a p a r t d a n s c e p r o d u i t" (die Frage ist ja eben whether he takes any share of the produce, and in what proportion), "cette part ¦¦632¦ mettra toujours à son commandement une quantité proportionnée du travail de ces personnes, et des commodités que ce travail peut lui procurer." (I, p. 363, 364.)

365 "La valeur des terres les plus steriles n'éprouve aucune diminution par le voisinage des terres plus fertiles. Au contraire, eile y gagne en général une augmentation. Le grand

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nombre de personnes que les terres fertiles font subsister, p r o c u r e n t à m a i n t e s p a r t i e s d u p r o d u i t d e s t e r r e s s t e r i l e s u n m a r c h e qu'elles n'auraient jamais trouvé parmi les personnes que leur propre produit eût pu faire subsister." (...) "Tout ce qui tend à rendre la terre plus fertile en subsistances, augmente non-seulement la valeur des terres sur lesquelles se fait l'amélioration" {...} "mais encore contribue à augmenter pareillement la valeur de plusieurs autres terres, en faisant naître de nouvelles demandes de leur produit." ... (I. p. 364.)

366 "Whatever part of the whole rent of a house is o v e r a n d a b o v e what is s u f f i c i e n t for affording this reasonable p r o f i t" (to the builder), "naturally goes to the ground rent; and where the owner of the ground, and the owner of the building, are two different persons, it is in most cases completely paid to the former. In country houses, at a distance from any great town, where there is plentiful choice of ground, the ground rent is scarcely any thing, or no more than what the space upon which the house stands, would pay employed in agriculture." (b. V, ch. II.)

367 "Both ground rents, and the ordinary rent of land are a species of revenue, which the owner in many cases enjoys, without any care or attention of his own. Though a part of this revenue should be taken from him, in order to defray the expenses of the State, no discouragement will thereby be given to any sort of industry. The annual produce of the land and labour of the society, the real wealth and revenue of the great body of the people, might be the same after such a tax as before, Ground rents, and the ordinary rent of land are, therefore, perhaps, the species of revenue, which can best bear to have a peculiar tax imposed upon them." (b. V. ch. II.)

367 "T r o i s i è m e s e c t i o n. D e s v a r i at i o n s d a n s l a p r o p o r t i o n e n t r e l e s v a l e u r s r e s p e c t i v e s d e l' e s p è c e d e p r o d u i t q u i f o u r n i t t o u j o u r s u n e r e n t e, e t l' e x p è c e d e p r o d u i t q u i q u e l q u e f o i s e n r a p p o r t e" etc. [l.c., t.II, p. 1.]

367 "Dans un pays naturellement fertile, mais dont la très-majeure partie est tout-à-fait inculte, comme le bétail, la volaille, le gibier de toute espèce, p e u v e n t s' a c q u é r i r a u m o y e n d' u n e t r è s p e t i t e q u a n t i t è d e t r a v a i l, il s' e ns u i t q u' i l s n e p e u v e n t e n a c h e t e r o u [en] c o m m a n d e r q u' u n e t r è s - p e t i t e q u a n t i t é." (II, p. 25.)

367 "Quel que soit l'état de la société, quel que soit son degré de civilisation, l e b l é e s t t o u j o u r s u n e p r o d u c t i o n d e l' i n d u s t r i e de l'homme: or, le produit moyen de toute espece d'mdustne s'assortit toujours avec plus ou moms de precision à la consommation moyenne, la quantité moyenne de l'approvisionnement à la quantité moyenne de la demande; d'ailleurs d a n s l e s d i f f é r e n s d e g r e s d' a m e l i o r a t i o n d' u n p a y s, i l f a u d r a t o u j o u r s, l'une portant l'autre, des q u a n t i t é s d e t r a v a i l à p e u p r è s e g a l e s, o u, ce qui revient au même, l e p r i x d e q u a n t i t é s à p e u p r è s é g a l e s, pour faire croître des quantités égales de blé dans un même sol et un même climat; l'augmentation continuelle qui a lieu dans les forces productives du travail, à mesure que la culture va en se perfectionnant, étant plus ou moins contrebalancée par l'accroissement c o n t i n u e l d u p r i x d e s b e s t i a u x, qui sont les p r i n c i p a u x i n s t r u m e n s de l'agriculture. Nous devons donc, d'après ceci, être bien certains q u' e n t o u t é t a t p o s s i b l e d e l a s o c i é t é, dans tout degré de civilisation, d e s q u a n t i t é s é g a l e s d e b l é seront une r e p r é s e n t a t i o n o u un e q u i v a l e n t plus juste de quantités e g a l e s d e t r a v a i l, que ne le seraient des quantités égales de toute autre partie du produit brut de la terre. En conséquence le blé ... est, dans tous les différens degrés de richesse et d'amélioration de la sociétée, une mesure de valeur plus exacte que toute autre marchandise ou que toute autre classe de

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marchandises ... En outre, le b l é ou tout autre végétal faisant la nourriture ordinaire et favorite du peuple, constitue, dans tout pays civilisé, la p r i n c i p a l e p a r t i e d e l a s u b s i s t a n c e d e l' o u v r i e r ... Ainsi le prix du travail en argent dépend beaucoup plus du prix moyen du blé, qui est la subsistance de l'ouvrier, que de celui de la viande ou de toute autre partie du produit brut de la terre; par conséquent, la valeur réelle de l'or et de l'argent, la quantité réelle de travail qu'ils peuvent acheter ou commander, dopend beaucoup plus de la quantité' de blé qu'ils peuvent acheter ou représenter, que de celle de viande ou de toute autre espèce de produit brut dont ils pourraient disposer." (I, p. 26-28.)

368 "On peut dire d'une marchandise, qu'elle est c h è r e ou à b o n m a r c h é, non-seulement en raison de ce que son prix habituel fait une grosse ou une petite somme, mais aussi en raison de ce que ce prix habituel se trouve plus ou moins au dessus du prix le plus bas, auquel il soit possible de la mettre au marché pendant un certain tems de suite. C e p r i x l e p l u s b a s e s t c e l u i q u i r e m p l a c e p u r e m e n t, a v e c u n p r o f i t m o d i q u e, l e c a p i t a l q u' i l f a u t e m p l o y e r p o u r m e t t r e c e t t e m a r c h a n d i s e a u m a r c h é. C e p r i x e s t c e l u i q u i n e f o u r n i t r i e n p o u r l e p r o p r i é t a i r e d e l a t e r r e, c e l u i d o n t l a r e n t e n e f a i t p a s u n e p a r t i e c o n s t i t u a n t e, e t q u i s e r é s o u t t o u t e n t i e r e n s a l a i r e s e t e n p r o f i t s." (II, p. 81.)

368 "Le prix des diamans et les autres pierres précieuses est peut-être encore plus près que le prix de l'or, du prix le plus bas auquel il soit possible de les mettre au marché." (II,p. 83.)

368 "La quantité de ces marchandises restant la même ou à peu près la même, tandis que la concurrence des acheteurs va toujours croissant, leur prix peut monter à tous les degrés possibles d'excès." (II, p. 91.)

369 "Elle consiste dans ces plantes et ces animaux utiles que la nature produit dans les pays incultes, avec tant de profusion, qu'ils n'ont que peu ou point de valeur, et qui, à mesure que la culture s'étend, sont forcés par eile de céder le terram à quelque produit plus profitable. Pendant une longue periode dans le cours des progres de l'amélioration, la quantité des produits de cette classe va toujours en diminuant, tandis qu'en même tems la demande qu'on en fait va toujours en augmentant. Ainsi leur valeur réelle, la quantité réelle de travail qu'ils peuvent acheter ou commander, s'élève par degré's jusqu'à ce qu'enfin elle monte assez haut pour en faire un produit aussi avantageux que toute autre production venue à l'aide de l'industrie humaine, sur les terres les plus fertiles et les mieux cultivées. Quand elle est montée jusque-là, elle ne peut plus guère aller plus haut; autrement, pour augmenter la quantité du produit, on y consacrerait bientôt plus de terre et plus d'industrie." (II, p. 94, 95.)

369 "De tous les différens articles qui composent cette seconde classe de produit brut, le bétail est peut-être celui dont le prix s'élève le premier à cette hauteur, dans le cours des progrès de l'amélioration.» (II, p. 96, 97.) "Si le bétail est une des premieres parties qui atteigne ce pri"» {sc. which makes it worth while cultivating soil in order to feed them}, "le g i b i e r est peut-être une des dernières. Quelqu'exorbitant que puisse paraître le prix de la venaison en Angleterre, il s'en faut encore qu'il puisse compenser la dépense d'un parc de bêtes fauves, comme le savent très-bien tous ceux qui se sont occupés de la conservation de ce genre de gibier." (II, p. 104.)

369 "Dans toutes les fermes, les rebuts de la grange et de l'étable peuvent entretenir un certain nombre de v o l a i l l e s. Comme elles sort nourries de ce qui serait perdu Sans cela, on les a seulement pour faire profit de tout; et comme elles ne coûtent presque rien au fermier,

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il peut trouver encore son compte à les vendre pour très-peu de chose." ... "il y ait profit à cultiver la terre exprès pour en nourrir." (II, p. 105, 106.)

369 ... "on a, dans l'origine, pour faire profit de tout." (II, p. 108, 109.)

370 "Il est évident que les terres d'un pays ne peuvent jamais parvenir à un état d'amélioration et de culture complète avant que le p r i x de chaque produit que l'industrie humaine se propose d'y faire croître, ne soit d'abord monte assez haut pour p a y e r l a d é p e n s e d' u n e a m é l i o r a t i o n e t d' u n e c u l t a r e c o m p l è t e. Pour que les choses en soient là, il faul que le prix de chaque produit particulier suffise à payer d'abord la rente d'une bonne terre à blé, qui est celle qui règle la rente de la plupart des autres terres cultivées, et à payer en second lieu le travail et la dépense du fermier, aussi bien qu'ils se paient communément sur une bonne terre à blé, ou bien, en autres termes, à l u i r e n d r e a v e c l e s p r o f i t s o r d i n a i r e s, l e c a p i t a l q u' i l y e m p l o i e. Cette h a u s s e d a n s l e p r i x de chaque produit particulier doit evidemment ¦¦634¦ p r é c é d e r l'amélioration et la culture de la terre destinée à faire naître ce produit... Diese différentes sortes de produit brut s o n t v e n u e s à v a l o i r, non une plus grande somme d'argent, mais une plus grande quantité de travail et de subsistances qu'auparavant. Comme i l e n c o û t e une p l u s g r a n d e d o s e d e t r a v a i l e t d e s u b s i s t a n c e s p o u r l e s f a i r e v e n i r a u m a r c h é, par cela même elles en r e p r é s e n t e n t ou en v a l e n t u n e p l u s g r a n d e q u a n t i té q u a n d e l l e s y s o n t v e n u e s." (II, p. 113-115.)

370) ... "sur la multiplication duquel l'industrie humaine n'a qu'un pouvoir limité ou incertain." (II. p. 115)

371 "Dans les pays mal cultivés, et qui par conséquent ne sont que très-faiblement peuplés, le prix de la laine et de la peau est toujours beaucoup plus grand, relativement à celui de la bête entière, que dans les pays qui, étant plus avancés en richesse et en population, ont une plus grande demande de viande de boucherie." (II, p. 117.)

371 "Il faut alors, en général, aller chercher le poisson à de plus grandes distances; il faut employer de plus grands bâtimens et mettre en oeuvre des machines plus dispendieuses en tout genre." ... ... "ne pourre guère être alors approvisionné à moins d'un travail" ... ... "travail qu'il fallait pour l'approvisionner dans le premier état." "Ainsi l e p r i x r é e l de cette denrée doit augmenter naturellement dans les progrès que fait l'amglioration..." (II, p. 130.)

371 "Si l'extension de l'amelioration et de la culture élève n é c e s s a i r e m e n t l e p r i x d e c h a q u e e s p e c e d e n o u r r i t u r e a n i m a l e, relativement au prix de blé, d'un autre côté elle fait aussi necessairement b a i s s e r celui de toute espèce, je crois, de n o u r r i t u r e v é g é t a l e. Elle élève le prix de la nourriture animale, parce qu'une grande partie de la terre qui produit cette nourriture, étant rendue propre à le production du blé, doit rapporter au propriétaire et au fermier la rente et le profit d'une terre à blé. Elle f a i t b a i s s e r l e p r i x d e l a n o u r r i t u r e v é g é t a l e, parce q u' e n a j o u t a n t à l a f e r t i l i t é d e l a t e r r e, elle accroît l'abondance de cette sorte de nourriture. Les améliorations dans la culture introduisent aussi plusieurs especes de nourriture végétale, qui, exigeant moins de terre que le blé, et pas plus de travail, viennent au marché à beaucoup meilleur compte que le blé. Teiles sont les pommes de terre et le mais ... D'ailleurs, il y a beaucoup d'espèces d'alimens du genre végétal, qui dans l'état grossier de l'agriculture, sont confines dans le jardin potager, et ne croissent, qu'à l'aide de la bêche, mais qui, lorsqu'elle s'est perfectionnée, viennent à se semer en plein champ, et à croître à l'aide de la charrue; tels sont les turneps, les carottes, les choux, etc." (II. p. 145, 146.) (l.I, ch. XI.)

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372 ... "le prix réel des m a i t è r e s p r e m i è r e s ne hausse point ou ne hausse pas extrêmement". (l.c., II, p. 149.)

372 "De meilleures machines, une ¦¦365¦ plus grande dextérité et une division et distribution de travail mieux entendues, toutes choses qui sont les effets naturels de l'avancement du pays, sont cause que, pour exétuer u n e p i è c e q u e l c o n q u e, i l n e f a u t q u' u n e b i e n m o i n d r e q u a n t i t é d e t r a v a i l; et quoique, par suite de l' e t a t f l o r i s s a n t de la société, le p r i x r é e l d u t r a v a i l d o i v e s' e l e v e r considérablement, cependant l a g r a n d e d i m i n u t i o n d a n s l a q u a n t i t é d u t r a v a i l q u e c h a q u e c h o s e e x i g e, fait bien plus en général que compenser quelque hausse que ce soit qui puisse survenir dans le prix de ce travail." (II, p. 148.)

372 "Il en c o û t a i t u n e b i e n p l u s g r a n d e q u a n t i t é d e t r a v a i l p o u r m e t t r e l a m a r c h a n d i s e a u m a r c h é; ainsi, quand elle y était venue, il fallait bien qu'elle achetât ou qu'elle obtînt en échange le p r i x d'une plus grande quantité de travail." (II, p. 156.)

373 "L'extension de l'amélioration des terres et de la culture y tend d'une maniere directe. La part du proprietaire dans le produit augmente nécessairement à mesure que le produit augmente." (II, p. 158.) ... "survient dans le prix réel de ces sortes de produits bruts, dont le renchérissement est d'abord l'effet de l'amélioration et de la culture, et devient ensuite la cause de leurs progrès ultérieurs" ... "Ce produit, après avoir haussé dans son prix réel, n' e x i g e p a s p l u s d e t r a v a i l, p o u r ê t r e r e c u e i l l i, q u' i l n' e n e x i g e a i t a u p a r a v a n t. Par conséquent il f a u d r a u n e m o i n d r e p o r t i o n q u' a u p ar a v a n t d e c e p r o d u i t, pour suffire à r e mp l a c e r l e c a p i t a l q u i f a i t m o u v o i r c e t r a v a i l, e n s e m b l e l e s p r o f i t s o r d i n a i r e s d e c e c a p i t a l. La portion restante du produit, qui est la part du propriétaire, sera donc plus grande, relativement au tout, qu'elle ne l'était auparavant." (II, p. 158, 159.)

373 "Tout ce qui réduit le prix réel de ce premier genre de produit, élève le prix réel du second." (II, p. 159.) ... "et la rente grossit avec le produit." ... (l.c.p. 160.)

374 "La classe des propriétaires peut gagner peut-être plus que celle-ci" (des ouvriers) "à la prospérité de la société; mais aucune ne souffre aussi cruellement de son déclin, que la classe des ouvriers.» (l.c.p. 162.)

374 ... "intérêt général de la société." (l.c.p. 163.) "Intérêt particulier de ceux qui exercent une branche particulière de commerce ou de manufacture, est t o u j o u r s, à quelques égards, d i f f é r e n t et même c o n t r a i r e à celui du public." (II, p. 164, 165.) ... "une classe de gens dont l'intérêt ne saurait ¦¦636¦ jamais être exactement le même que l'intérêt de la société, qui ont en général intérêt à tromper le public et même à le surcharger, et qui en conséquence ont déjà fêt l'un et l'autre en beaucoup d'occasions." (II, p. 165.)

Fünfzehntes Kapitel

376 ... "trades where p r o f i t s are in p r o p o r t i o n t o t h e c a p i t a l, and not in proportion to the q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r employed." ([Ricardo, "On the principles of political economy...", London 1821,] p. 418.)

377 ... "carrying trade, the distant foreign trade, and trades where expensive machinery is required". (l.c.p. 418.)

377 ... "that the great profits which are sometimes made by particular merchants in foreign trade, will elevate the general rate of profits in the country". (l.c. ch. VII "On Foreign trade",p. 132.)

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377 "They contend, that the equality of profits will be brought about by the general rise of profits; and I am of opinion, that the profits of the favoured trade will speedily subside 1*) to the general level." (p. 132, 133.)

378) "I admit, that from the nature of rent, a given capital employed in agriculture, on any but the land last cultivated, puts in motion a greater quantity of labour than an equal capital employed in manufactures and trade." (l.c.p. 419.)

379) "There cannot be t w o r a t e s o f p r o f i t i n t h e s a m e e m p l o y m e n t, and therefore when the value of the produce is in different proportions to capital, it is the rent which will differ, and not the profit." (ch. XII, "Land Tax", p. 212, 213.)

379 "The exchangeable value of all commodities, whether they be manufactured, or the produce of the mines, or the produce of land, is always regulated, not by the less quantity of labour that will suffice for their production under circumstances highly favorable, and exclusively enjoyed by those who have peculiar facilities of production; but by the greater quantity of labour necessarily bestowed on their production by those who have no such facilities; by those who continue to produce them under the most unfavorable circumstances; meaning - by t h e m o s t u n f a v o r a b l e c i r c u m s t a n c e s, t h e m o s t u n f a v o r a b l e u n d e r w h i c h t h e q u a nt i t y o f p r o d u c e r e q u i r e d, r e n d e r s i t n e c e s s a r y t o c a r r y o n t h e p r o d u ct i o n." (ch. II, "On Rent", p. 60, 61.)

379 "M.Say supposes, 'A landlord by his a s s i d u i t y, e c o n o m y a n d s k i l l, to increase his annual revenue by 5000 francs'; but a landlord has no means of employing his assiduity, economy and skill on his land, unless he farms it himself; and then it is in quality of capitalist and farmer that he makes the improvement, and not in quality of landlord. It is not conceivable" ..., "that he could so augment the produce of his farm by any p e c u l i a r skill on his part, without first increasing the quantity of capital employed upon it." (l.c.p.

209.)

380 "The rise in the price of commodities, in consequence of taxation or of difficulty of production, will in all cases ultimately ensue; but the d u r a t i o n o f t h e i n t e rv a l, before the market price will conform to the natural price, m u s t d e p e n d o n t h e n a t u r e o f t h e c o m m o d i t y, and o n t h e f a c l i t y w i t h w h i c h i t c a n b e r e d u c e d i n q u a n t i t y.

If the quantity of the commodity taxed could not be diminished, if the capital of the farmer or [of] the hatter for instance, could not be withdrawn to other employments, it would be of no consequence that their profits were reduced below the general level by means of a tax; unless the demand for their commodities should increase, they would never be able to elevate the market price of corn and of hats up to their increased natural price, Their threats to leave their employments, and remove their capitals to more favoured trades, would be treated as an idle menace which could not be carried into effect; and consequently the price would not be raised by diminished production.

C o m m o d i t i e s, however, of all descriptions c a n b e r e d u c e d i n q u a n t i t y, and c a p i t a l c a n b e r e m o v e d f r o m t r a d e s w h i c h a r e l e s s p r o f i t a b l e t o t h o s e w h i c h a r e m o r e s o, b u t w i t h d i f f e r e n t d e g r e e s o f r a p i d i t y. In proportion as the supply of a particular commodity can be more easily reduced, without inconvenience to the producer, the price of it will more quickly rise after the difficulty of its production has been increased by taxation, or by any other means." (p. 214, 215.)

381 "The agreement of the market and natural price of all commodities, depends at all times on the facility with which the supply can be increased or diminished. In the case of gold,

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houses, and labour, as well as many other things, this effect cannot, under some circumstances, be speedily produced. But it is different with those commodities which are consumed and reproduced from year to year, such as hats, shoes, corn, and cloth; they may be reduced, if necessary, and the interval cannot be long before the supply is contracted in proportion to the increased charge of producing them." (l.c.p. 220, 221.)

381 "R e n t b e i n g n o t a c r e a t i o n, b u t m e r e l y a t r a n s f e r o f w e a l t h." (l.c.p. 221.)

381 "A t a x o n r a w p r o d u c e from the surface of the earth, will... fall on the c o n s u m e r, and will in no way affect rent; unless by diminishing the funds for the maintenance of labour, it lowers wages, reduces the population, and diminishes the demand for corn." (p. 221.)

387) "Taxes on those commodities, which are generally denominated luxuries, fall on those only who make use of them ... But taxes on necessanes do not affect the consumers of necessaries, in proportion to the quantity that may be consumed by them, but often in a much higher proportion." Z.B. a tax on corn. "It alters the rate of profits of stock. Whatever raises the wages of labour, lowers the profits of stock; therefore every tax on any commodity consumed by the labourer, has a tendency to lower the rate of profits." (p. 231.)

388 "In a former part of this work, we discussed the effects of the division of capital into f i x e d a n d c i r c ul a t i n g, or rather into d u r a b l e a n d p e r i s ha b l e c a p i t a l, on the prices of commodities. We showed that two manufacturers might employ precisely the same amount of capital, and might derive from it precisely the same amount of profits, but that they would sell their commodities for every different sums of money, according as the capitals they employed were rapidly, or slowly, consumed and reproduced. The one might sell his goods for 4000 l., the other for 10 000 l., and they might both employ 10 000 l. of capital, and obtam 20 p.c. profit, or 2000 l. The capital of one might consist, f.i., of 2000 l. circulating capital, to be reproduced, and 8000 l. fixed, in buildings and machinery; the capital of the other, on the contrary, might consist of 8000 l. of circulating, and of only 2000 fixed capital in machinery and buildings. Now, if each of these persons were to be taxed ten per cent, on his income, or 200 l. the one, to make his business yield him the g e n e r a l r a t e o f p r o f i t, must raise his goods from 10 000 l. to 10 200 l.; the other would also be obliged to raise the price of his goods from 4000 l, to 4200 l. Before the tax, the goods sold by one of these manufacturers were 2 1/2 times more valuable than the goods of the other; after the tax they will be 2,42 times more valuable: the one kind will have risen two per Cent.; the other five per cent.: consequently a tax upon income, whilst money continued unaltered m value, would alter the relative prices a n d value of commodities." (p. 234, 235.)

388 "If a country were not taxed, and money should fall in value, its abundance in every market" hier die lächerliche Vorstellung, daß a fall in the value of money ought to be accompanied: by its abundance in every market ¦¦644¦ "would produce similar effects in each. If meat rose 20 per cent., bread, beer, shoes, labour, and e v e r y c o m m o d i t y, would also rise 20 per cent.; it is necessary they should do so, to secure to each trade the same rate of profits. But this is no longer true when any of these commodities is taxed; if, in that case, they should all rise in proportion to the fall in the value of money, p r o f i t s w o u l d b e r e n d e r e d u n e q u a l; in the case of the commodities taxed, p r o f i t s w o u l d b e r a i s e d a b o v e t h e g e n e r a l l e v e l, and capital w o u l d b e r e m o v e d f r o m o n e e m p l o y m e n t t o a n o t h e r , t i l l a n e q u il i b r i u m o f p r o f i t s w a s r e s t o r e d, which could only be, after t h e r e l a t i v e p r i c e s w e r e altered." (p. 237.)

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389 "Mr. Buchanan considers corn and raw produce as at a monopoly price, because they yield a rent: all commodities which yield a rent, he supposes must be at a monopoly price; and thence he infers, that all taxes on raw produce would fall on the landlord, and not on the consumer.

'The p r i c e o f c o r n,' he says, 'which always affords a rent, b e i n g i n n o r e s p e c t i n f l u e n c e d b y t h e e x p e n s e s o f i t s p r o d u c t i o n, those e x p e n s e s m u s t b e p a i d o u t o f t h e r e n t; and when they rise of all, therefore, the consequence is not a higher or lower price, but a higher or lower rent. In this view, all taxes on farm servants, horses, or the implements of agriculture, are in reality land-taxes; the burden falling on the farmer during the currency of his lease, and on the landlord, when the lease comes to be renewed. In like manner all those improved implements of husbandry which save expense to the farmer, such as machines for threshing and reaping, whatever gives him easier access to the market, such as good roads, canals and bridges, though they lessen the original cost of corn, d o n o t l e s s e n i t s m a r k e t p r i c e. Whatever is saved by those improvements, therefore, belongs to the landlord as part of his rent.' It is evident" (sagt Ric.) "that if we yield to Mr.Buchanan the basis on which his argument is built, namely, that the price of corn always yields a rent, all the consequences which he contends for would follow of course." (p. 292, 293.)

394 "I hope I have made it sufficiently clear, that until a country is cultivated in every part, and up to the highest degree, there is always a p o r t i o n o f c a p i t a l e mp l o y e d o n t h e l a n d which yields no rent, a n d" (!) "that it is this portion of capital, the result of which, as in manufactures, is divided between profits and wages that r e g u l a t e s t h e p r i c e o f c o r n. The price of corn, then, which does not afford a rent, being influenced by the expenses of its production, those expenses cannot be paid out of rent. The consequence therefore of those expenses increasing, is a higher price, and not a lower rent." (l.c.p. 293.)

395 "Mr.Malthus appears to think that it is a part of my doctrine, that the c o s t and v a l u e of a thing should be the same; - it is, if he means by cost, 'c o s t o f p r o d u c t i o n i n c l u d i n g p r o f i t s." (l.c.p. 46.)

397 "Raw produce is not at a monopoly price, because the market price of barley and wheat is as much regulated by their c o s t o f p r o d u c t i o n, as the market price of cloth and linen. The only difference is this, that one p o r t i o n o f t h e c a p i t a l employed in agriculture regulates the price of corn, namely, that portion which pays no rent; whereas, in the p r o d u c t i o n o f m a n u f a c t u r e d c o m m od i t i e s, e v e r y p o r t i o n o f c a p i t a l i s e m p l o y e d w i t h t h e s a m e r e s u l t s; and as n o p o r t i o n p a y s r e n t, e v e r y p o r t i o n i s e q u a l l y a r e g u l a t o r o f p r i c e." (l.c.p. 290, 291.)

397 "The value of a commodity, or the quantity of any other commodity for which it will exchange, depends on the relative q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r which is necessary for its production, and not on the greater or less compensation which is paid for t h a t l a b o u r." [l.c.p. 1.]

398) "A.Smith, who so accurately defined the original source of exchangeable value, and who was bound in consistence to maintain, that all things became more or less valuable in proportion as more or less labour was bestowed on their production, has himself erected another Standard measure of value, and speaks of things being more or less valuable, in Proportion as they will e x c h a n g e f o r m o r e o r l e s s o f t h i s s t a n d a r d m e a s u r e ... as if t h e s e w e r e t w o e q u i v a l e n t e x p r e s s i o n s, and as if because a man's labour had become doubly efficient, and he could therefore produce twice the quantity of a commodity, he would necessarily receive twice the former quantity in exchange for it" (nämlich seine labour). "If this indeed

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were true, i f t h e r e w a r d o f t h e l a b o u r e r w e r e a l w a y s i n P r o p o r t i o n t o w h a t h e p r o d u c e d, t h e q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r [b e s t o w e d o n a c o m m o d i t y, a n d t h e q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r] w h i c h t h a t c o mm o d i t y w o u l d p u r c h a s e, w o u l d b e e q u a l, and either might accurately measure the variations of other things; b u t t h e y a r e n o t e q u a l." (p. 5.)

400 "Is not the value of labour ... variable; being not only affected, as all other things" (soll heißen commodities) "are, by the proportion between the supply and demand, which uniformly varies with every change in the condition of the Community, but also by the varying price of food and other necessaries, on which the w a g e s o f l a b o u r are expended?" (p. 7.)

401 "Treating l a b o u r as a c o m m o d i t y, and c a p i t a l, the produce of labour, as another, then, if the v a l u e o f t h e s e t w o c o m m o d i t i e s were r e g u l a t e d b y e q u a l q u a n t i t i e s o f l a b o u r, a given amount of labour would, under all circumstances, exchange for that quantity of capital which had been produced by the same amount of labour; a n t e c e d e n t l a b o u r w o u l d a l w a y s e x c h a n g e f o r t h e s a m e a m o u n t o f p r e s e n t l a b o u r.

But the value of labour in relation to other commodities, in so far, at least, as wages depend upon share, is determined, n o t b y e q u a l q u a n t i t i e s o f l a b o u r, but by the proportion between supply and demand." (E. G. Wakeneid, Note zu p. 230 zu 1.1 seiner Ausgabe von A.Smiths "Wealth of Nations", London 1836.)

401 "Not only t h e l a b o u r a p p l i e d i m m e d ia t e l y to commodities affects their value, but the l a b o u r a l s o which i s b e s t o w e d on the implements, tools, and buildings, with which such labour is assisted." [Ricardo, "On the principles of political economy,...", London 1821, p. 16.]

402 "L a b o u r, like all other things which are purchased and sold, and which may be increased or diminished" (...), "has its natural and its market price. T h e n a t u r a l p r i c e o f l a b o u r is that price which is necessary to enable the labourers, one with another, to subsist and to perpetuate their race, without either increase or diminution." (...) "The power of the labourer to Support himself, and the family which may be necessary to keep up the number of labourers ... depends on t h e p r i c e o f t h e f o o d, n e c e s s a r i e s, a n d c o n v e n i e n c e s r e q u i r e d f o r t h e s u p p o r t o f t h e l a b o u r e r a n d h i s f a m i l y. With a rise in the price of food and necessaries, the natural price of labour will rise; with the fall in their price, the natural price of labour will fall." (p. 86.)

402 "It is not to be understood that the natural price of labour, estimated even in food and necessaries, is absolutely fixed and constant. It varies at different times in the same country, and very matenally differs m different countnes. It essentially depends on the habits and customs of the people." (p. 91.)

403 "C a p i t a l is that part of the wealth of a country which is employed in production, and consists of food, clothing, tools, raw materials, machinery, etc. necessary to give effect to labour." (p.89.) "L e s s c a p i t a l, which is the s a m e thing as l e s s l a b o u r." (p. 73.) "Labour and c a p i t a l that is, a c c u m u l a t e d l a b o u r." (l.c.p. 499.)

403 "Mr. Ricardo, ingeniously enough, avoids a difficulty, which, on a first view, threatens to encumber his doctrine, that value depends on the quantity of labour employed in production. If this principle is rigidly adhered to, it follows, that the v a l u e o f l a b o u r depends o n t h e q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r e m p l o y e d i n p r o d u c i n g i t which is evidently absurd. By a dexterous turn, therefore, Mr. Ricardo makes the value of labour depend on the quantity of labour required to produce wages, or, to give him the benefit of his own language, he maintains, that the v a l u e o f l a b o u r i s t o b e e s t i m a t e d by the quantity of labour required to

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produce wages, by which means, the quantity of labour required to produce the money or commodities given to the labourer. This is similar to saying, that the value of cloth is to be estimated, not by the quantity of labour bestowed upon its production, but by the quantity of labour bestowed on the production of the silver, for which the cloth is exchanged."(p. 50, 51 [Bailey] "A Critical Dissertation on the Nature, Measures, and Causes of Value etc." Lond. 1825.)

403 ..."thenumber of pounds that may be annually paid to the labourer"... ... "t h e n u m b e r o f d a y' s w o r k, necessary to obtain those pounds." (Ric[ardo] l.c.p. 152.)

415 "The labour of a million of men in manufactures, will always produce the s a m e v a l u e but will not always produce the same riches." (l.c.p. 320.)

418 ... "they" (the wages of labour and the profit of stock)

"a r e t o g e t h e r always o f t h e s a m e v a l u e" (l.c.p. 499 ch. XXXII "Mr. M[althus']s opinions on rent").

418 "Wages and profits together will be of t h e s a m e v a l u e," (l.c.p. 491, note.)

418 "Wages and profits taken together will continue a l w a y s of the same value." (p. 490, 491.)

418 "Wages are to be estimated by their r e a l v a l u e, viz. by the q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r a n d c a p i t a l e m p l o y e d i n p r o d u c i n g t h e m, and not by their n o m i n a l v a l u e either in coats, hats, money, or corn." (l.c. ch. I, "On Value", p. 50.)

419 "The labourer is only paid a really high price for his labour, when his wages will purchase the produce of a great deal of labour." (l.c.p. 322.)

421 "The v a l u e of the deer, the produce of the hunter's d a y' s l a b o u r, would be exactly equal to the value of the fish, the produce of the fisherman's d a y' s l a b o u r. The comparative value of the fish and the game, would be entirely regulated by the quantity of labour reah-zed in each, w h a t e v e r m i g h t b e t h e q u a n t i t y o f p r o d u c t i o n, or however h i g h o r l o w g e n e r a l w a g e s o r p r o f i t s m i g h t b e.

If... the fisherman ... employed ten men, whose annual labour cost 100 l. and who i n o n e d a y obtained by t h e i r labour twenty salmon: If ... the hunter also employed ten men, whose a n n u a l l a b o u r cost 100 l. and who i n o n e d a y procured him ten deer; then the natural price of a deer would be two salmon, whether t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e w h o l e p r o d u c e b e s t o w e d o n t h e m e n w h o o b t a i n e d were large or small. The P r o p o r t i o n which might be paid for w a g e s, is of the utmost importance in the question of p r o f i t s; for it must at once be seen, that profits would be high or low, exactly in proportion as wages were low or high; but it could not in the least affect the relative value of fish and game, as wages would be high or low at the same time in both occupations." (ch. I, "On Value" p. 20, 21.)

421 "No alteration in the wages of labour could produce any alteration in the relative value of these commodities; for suppose them to rise, no g r e a t e r q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r would be required in any of these occupations, but it would be p a i d for at a h i g h e r price ... Wages might rise twenty per cent., and profits consequently fall in a greater or less proportion, without occasioning the least alteration in the relative value of these commodities." (l.c.p. 23.)

421 "There can be no rise in the v a l u e o f l a b o u r without a fall of profits. If the corn to be d i v i d e d between the farmer and the labourer, the l a r g e r t h e p r o p o r t i o n that is given to the latter, the less will remain for the former. So if cloth or cotton goods be d i v i d e d between the workman and his employer, the l a r g e r t h e p r o p o r t i o n given to the former, the less remains for the latter." (l.c.p. 31.)

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421 "A.Smith, and all the writers who have followed him, have, without one exception that I know of, maintained that a r i s e i n t h e p r i c e o f l a b o u r would be umformly followed by a r i s e i n t h e p r i c e o f a l l c o mm o d i t i e s. I hope I have succeeded in showing, that there are no grounds for such an opinion." (l.c.p. 45.)

421 "A rise of wages, from the circumstance of the labourer being more liberally rewarded, or from a difficulty of procuring the necessaries on which wages are expended, does not, except in some instances, produce the effect of raising price, but has a great effect in lowering profits. "..." an alteration in the value of money" ... "In the one" ... "case, no g r e a t e r p r op o r t i o n o f t h e a n n u a l l a b o u r o f t h e c o u n t r y is devoted to the s u p p o r t o f l a b o ur e r s; in the other case, a larger portion is so devoted." (l.c.p. 48.)

422 "With a rise in the price of food and necessaries, the natural price of labour will rise; with a fall in their price, the natural price of labour will fall." (l.c.p. 86.)

422 "The s u r p l u s p r o d u c e remaining, after satisfying the wants of the existing population, must necessarily be in proportion to the f a c i l i t y o f p r o d u c t i o n, viz. to the s m a l l e r n u m b e r o f p e r s o n s employed in production." (p. 93.)

422 "Neither the farmer who cultivates that quantity of land, which regulates price, nor the manufacturer, who manufatures goods, sacrifice any portion of the produce for rent. The w h o l e v a l u e o f t h e i r c o m m o d i t i e s i s d i v i d e d into t w o p o r t i o n s only: one constitutes the profits of stock, the other the wages of labour." (l.c.p. 107.)

422 "Suppose the price of silks, velvets, furniture, and any other commodities, not required by the labourer, to rise in consequence of more labour being expended on them, would not that affect profits? Certainly not: for nothing can affect profits but a rise in wages; silks and velvets are not consumed by the labourer, and therefore cannot raise wages." (l.c.p. 118.)

422 "If the labour of ten men will, on land of a certain quality, obtain 180 qrs. of wheat, and its value be 4 l. per qr., or 720 l. ..." (p. 110.) "... in all cases, the same sum of 720 l. must be divided between wages and profits... Whether wages or profits rise or fall, it is this sum of 720 l. from which they must both be provided. On the one hand, profits can never rise so high as to absorb so much of this 720 l. that enough will not be left to furnish the labourers with absolute necessaries; on the other hand, wages can never rise so high as to leave no portion of this sum for profits." (l.c.p. 113.)

422 "Profits d e p e n d o n h i g h o r l o w w a g e s, wages on the price of necessaries, and the price of necessaries chiefly on the price of food, because all other requisites may be increased almost without limit." (l.c.p. 119.)

422 "Although a greater value is produced" (bei Verschlechterung des Landes), "a g r e a t e r p r o p o r t i o n o f w h a t r e m a i n s o f t h a t v a l u e, after paying rent, is consumed by the p r o d u c e r s" er identifiziert hier labourers and producers, "and it is this, a n d t h i s a l o n e, which regulates profits."(l.c.p. 127.)

422 "It is the essential quality of an i m p r o v e m e n t to d i m i n i s h t h e q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r before required to produce a commodity; and this diminution cannot take place without a f a l l o f i t s p r i c e o r r e l at i v e v a l u e." (l.c.p. 70.)

423 "Diminish the cost of production of hats, and their price will ultimately fall to their new natural price, although the demand should be doubled, trebled, or quadrupled. Diminish the cost of subsistence of men, by diminishing the natural price of the food and clothing,

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by which life is sustained, and wages will ultimately fall, notwithstanding that the demand for labourers may ¦¦664¦ very greatly increase." (l.c.p. 460.)

423 "In proportion as less is appropriated for wages, more will be appropriated for profits, and vice versa." (l.c.p. 500.)

423 "It has been one of the objects of this work to shew, that with every fall in the real value of necessaries, the wages of labour would fall, and that the profits of stock would rise - in other words, that of any given a n n u a l v a l u e a l e s s p o r t i o n w o u l d b e p a i d t o t h e l a b o u r i n g c l a s s, and a larger portion to those w h o s e f u n d s e m p l o y e d t h i s c l a s s." [l.c.p. 511, 512.]

423 "Suppose t h e v a l u e of the commodities produced in a particular manufacture to be 1000 l., and to b e d i v i d e d between t h e m a s t e r and h i s labourers" (...), "in the proportion of 800 l. to labourers, and 200 l. to the master; if the value of these commodities should fall to 900 l., and 100 l. be saved from the wages of labour, in consequence of the fall of necessaries, the net income of the masters would be in no degree impaired." (p. 511, 512.)

423 "If the shoes and clothing of the labourer, could, by improvements in machinery, be produced by one fourth of the labour now necessary to their production, they would probably fall 75 per Cent.; but so far is it from being true, that the labourer would thereby be enabled permanently to consumer four coats, or four pair of shoes, instead of one, that it is probable his w a g e s w o u l d i n n o l o n g t i m e b e a d j u s t e d by the effects of competition, and the Stimulus to population, to the n e w v a l u e o f t h e n e c e s s a r i e s on which they were expended. If these improvements extended to all the objects of the labourer's consumption, we should find him probably at the end of a very few years, in possession of only a small, if any, addition to his en joyments, although the exchangeable value of those commodities, compared with any other commodity had sustained a very considerable reduction; and though they were the produce of a very considerably diminished quantity of labour." (l.c.p. 8.)

424 "When wages rise, it is always at the expense of profits, and when they fall, profits always rise." (l.c.p. 491, note.)

424 "It has been my endeavour to show throughout this work, that the rate of profits can never be increased but by a fall in wages, and that there can be no permanent fall of wages but in consequence of a fall of the necessaries on which wages are expended. If, therefore, by the e x t e n s i o n o f f o r e i g n trade, or by i m p r o v e m e n t s i n m a c h i n e r y, the food and necessaries of the labourer can be brought to market, at a reduced price, profits will rise. If, instead of growing our own corn, or manufacturing the clothing and other necessaries of the labourer, we discover a new market from which we can supply ourselves with these commodities at a cheaper price, wages will fall and profits rise; but if the commodities obtained at a cheaper rate, by the extension of foreign commerce, or by the improvement of machinery, be exclusively the commodities consumed by the rieh, no alteration will take place in the rate of profits. The rate of wages would not be affected, although wine, velvets, silks, and other expensive commodities should fall 50 per cent., and consequently profits would continue unaltered.

Foreign trade, then, though highly beneficial to a country, as it increases the amount and variety of the objects on which revenue may be expended, and affords, by the abun-dance and cheapness of commodities, incentives to saving" (...), "and to the a c c u m u l a t i o n o f c a p i t a l, has no tendency to raise the profits of stock, u n l e s s t h e c o m m od i t i e s i m p o r t e d b e o f t h a t d e s c r i pt i o n o n w h i c h t h e w a g e s o f l a b o u r a r e e x p e n d e d.

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The remarks which have been made respecting foreign trade, apply equally to home trade. The rate of profits is neuer increased" ... "by a b e t t e r d i s t r i b u t i o n o f l ab o u r, by the i n v e n t i o n o f m a c h i n e r y, by the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f r o a d s a n d c an a l s, or by a n y m e a n s o f a b r i d g i n g l a b o u r i n t h e m a n u f a c t u r e o r i n t h e c o n v e y a n c e o f g o o d s. These are causes which operate on price, and never fail to be highly beneficial to consumers; since they enable them, with the same labour, to obtain in exchange a greater quantity of the commodity to w h i c h t h e i m p r o v e m e n t is applied; but they have no effect whatever on profit. On the other hand, every ¦¦665¦ diminution in the wages of labour raises profits, but produces no effect on the price of commodities. One is advantageous to all classes, for all classes are consumers" (...); "the other is beneficial only to producers; they gain more, but every thing remains at its former price" (... "every thing remains at its former price."). "In the first case they get the same as before; but e v e r y t h i n g" (...), "on which their gains are expended, is diminished in exchangeable value." (p. 137, 138.)

426 "If I have to hire a labourer for a week, and instead of ten shillings I pay him eight, no variation having taken place in the value of money, the labourer can probably obtam more food and necessaries, with his eight shillings, than he before obtaines for ten: but this is owing, not to a rise in the r e a l v a l u e o f h i s w a g e s, as stated by A. Smith, and more recently by Mr. Malthus, but to a fall in the value of the things on which his wages are expended, things perfectly distinct; and yet f o r c a l l i n g t h i s a f a l l i n t h e r e a l v a l u e o f w a g e s, I am told that I adopt new and unusual language, not reconcileable with the true principles of the science." (l.c.p. 11, 12.)

426 "It is not by the a b s o l u t e q u a n t i t y o f p r o d u c e obtained by either class, that we can correctly judge of the rate of profit, rent, and wages, but by the quantity of labour required to obtain that produce. By improvements in machinery and agnculture, the whole produce may be doubled; but if wages, rent, and profit be also doubled, these three will bear t h e s a m e p r o p o r t i o n s t o o n e a n o t h e r a s b e f o r e, and neither could be said to have r e l a t i v e l y v a r i e d. But if wages partook not of the whole of this increase; if they, instead of being doubled, were only increased one-half... it would, I apprehend, be correct for me to say, that wages had fallen while profits had risen; for if we had an invariable Standard by which to measure the v a l u e of this produce, we should find that a less value had fallen to the class of labourers ..., and a greater to the class of capitalists, than had been given before." (l.c.p. 49.)

426 "It will not the less be a real fall, because they" (the wages) "might furnish him with a greater quantity of cheap commodities than his former wages." (l.c.p. 51.)

426 ... "when it was asked what determined that value of all commodities: it was answered that this value was chiefly determined by wages. When again it was asked - what determined wages? is was recollected that wages must be adjusted to the value of the commodities upon which they were spent; and the answer was in effect that wages were determined by the value of commodities." (p.560, [Th. de Quincey] "Dialogues of Three Tempiars on Polit. Econ. chiefly in relation to the principles of Mr. Ricardo" ¦¦666¦ "London Magazine", vol. IX, 1824.)

426 "So far are the two formulae from presenting merely two different expressions of the same law, that the very best way of expressing negatively Mr. Ricardo's law (viz. A is to B in value as the quantities of the producing labor) would be to say, A is not to B in value as the v a l u e s of the producing labor." [l.c.p. 348.]

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427 "Wenn der Preis 10 sh., dann wages und profits, taken as a whole, cannot exceed ten shillings. But do not the wages and profits as a whole, themselves, on the contrary, predetermine the price? No; that [is] the old superannuated doctrine." (p.204, Th. de Quincey, "The Logic of Pol. Econ.", Edinburgh [and London] 1844.)

427 "Die neue Ökonomie hat gezeigt, that all price is governed by proportional quantity of the producing labour, and by that only. Being itself once settled, then, ipso facto, price settles the f u n d out of which both t e a g e s a n d p r o f i t s m u s t d r a w t h e i r s e p a r a t e d i v i d e n d s." (l.c.p. 204.) "Any change that can disturb the existing relations between wages and profits, m u s t o r i g i n a t e i n w a g e s." (l.c.p. 205.)

430 "The Variation in the value of money, however great, makes no difference in the r a t e o f p r o f i t s; for suppose the goods of the manufacturer to rise from 1000 l. to 2000 l., or 100 p.c., if h i s c a p i t a l, on which the variations of money have as much effect as on the value of produce, if his machinery, buildings, and stock in trade rise also 100 per cent., his r a t e o f p r o f i t s will be the same ... If, with a capital of a given value, he can, by economy in labour, double the quantity of produce, and it fall to half its former price, it w i l l b e a r t h e s a m e p r o p o r t i o n t o t h e c a p i t a l t h a t p r o d u c e d i t which it did before, and c o n s e q u e n t l y profits will still be at the same rate. If, at the same time that he doubles the quantity of produce by the employment of the same capital, the value of money is by any accident lowered one half, the produce will sell for twice the money [value] that it did before; but the capital employed to produce it will also be of twice its former money value; and therefore in this case too, t h e v a l u e o f t h e p r o d u c e w i l l b e a r t h e s a m e p r o p o r t i o n t o t h e v a l u e o f t h e c a p i t a l a s i t d i d b e f o r e" ([Ricardo, "On the principles of political economy ...", London 1821,] p. 51, 52.)

430 "The r a w p r o d u c e of which commodities are made, is supposed to have fallen in price, and, therefore, commodities will fall on that account. True, they will fall, but their fall will not be attended with any dimmution m the money mcome of the producer. If he sell his commodity for less money, it is only because o n e o f t h e m a t e r i a l f r o m w h i c h i t i s m a d e h a s f a l l e n i n v a l u e. If the clothier sell his cloth for 900 l. instead of 1000 l., his income will not be less, if the wool from which it is made, has declined 100 l. in value." (l.c.p. 518.)

431 "But the rate o f p r o f i t s will fall still more, because the c a p i t a l of the farmer... consists in a great measure of raw produce, such as his corn and hay-ricks, his unthreshed wheat and barley, his horses and cows, which would all rise in price in consequence of the r i s e o f p r o d u c e.

His a b s o l u t e p r o f i t s would fall from 480 l. to 445 l. 15 sh.; but if from the cause which I have just stated, his capital should rise from 3000 l. to 3200 l., t h e r a t e o f h i s p r o f i t s would, when corn was at 5 l. 2 sh. 10 d. be under 14 per cent. It a manufacturer had also employed 3000 l. in his business, he would be obliged in consequence of the rise of wages, to increase his capital, in order to be enabled to carry on the same business. If his commodities sold before for 720 l. they would continue to sell at the same price; but the wages of labour, which were before 240 l., would rise when corn was at 5 l. 2sh. 10d., to 274 l. 5 sh. In the first case he would have a balance of 480 l. as profit on 3000 l., in the second he would have a profit only of 445 l. 15 sh., on an increased capital, and therefore his profits would conform to the altered rate ofthose of thefarmer." (l.c.p. 116, 117.)

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432 "Articles of jewellery, of iron, of plate, and of copper, would not r i s e, because none of the raw produce from the surface of the earth enters into their composition." (I.c.p. 117.)

433 "In every case, agricultural, as well as manufacturing profits are lowered by a rise in t h e p r i c e o f r a w p r o d u c e, if it be accompanied by a nse of wages." (l.c.p. 113, 114.)

433 "Suppose the price of silks, velvets, furniture, and any other commodities, not required by the labourer, to rise in consequence of more labour being e x p e n d e d o n t h e m, w o u l d n o t t h a t a f f e c t p r o f i t s? Certainly not: for n o t h i n g c a n a f f e c t p r o f i t s b u t a r i s e i n w a g e s; silks and velvets are not consumed by the labourer, and therefore cannot raise wages." (l.c.p. 118.)

433 "I must again observe, that the rate o f p r o f i t s would fall much more rapidly than I have estimated in my calculation: for the v a l u e o f t h e p r o d u c e being that I have stated it under the circumstances supposed, the value of t h e f a r m e r' s s t o c k would be g r e a t l y i n c r e a s e d f r o m i t s n e c e s s a r i l y c o n s i s t i n g o f m a n y o f t h e c o m m o d i t i e s w h i c h h a d r i s e n i n v a l u e. Before corn could rise from 4 l. to 12 l., his c a p i t a l would probably be doubled in exchangeable value, and be worth 6000 l. instead of 3000 l. If then his profit were 180 l., or 6 per cent. on his o r i g i n a l c a p i t a l, profits would not at that time be really at a h i g h e r r a t e than 3 per cent.; for 6000 l. at 3 per cent. gives 180 l.; and on t h o s e t e r m s o n l y c o u l d a n e w f a r m e r w i t h 6000 l. m o n e y i n h i s p a c k e t e n t e r i n t o t h e f a r m i n g b u s i n e s s. Many trades would derive some advantage, more or less, from the same source. The brewer, the distiller, the clothier, the linen manufacturer, would be p a r t l y c o m p e n s a t e d f o r t h e d i m i n u t i o n o f t h e i r p r o f i t s, b y t h e r i s e i n t h e v a l u e o f t h e i r s t o c k o f r a w a n d f i n i s h e d m a t e r i a l s; but a manufacturer of hardware, of jewellery, and [of] many other commodities, as well as those whose capitals uniformly consisted of money, would be subject to the t o h o l e f a l l i n t h e r a t e o f p r o f i t s, without any compensation whatever." (l.c.p. 123, 124.)

435 "I have already remarked, that the m a r k e t p r i c e of a commodity may e x c e e d its n a t u r a l o r n e c e s s a r y p r i c e, as it may be produced in less abundance than the new demand for it requires. This, however, is but a t e m p o r a r y effect. The high profits on capital employed in producing that commodity, will naturally attract capital to that trade; and as soon as the requisite funds are supplied, and the quantity of the commodity is duly increased, i t s p r i c e w i l l f a l l, and the p r o f i t s o f t h e t r a d e w i l l c o n f o r m t o t h e g e n e r a l l e v e l. A f a l l i n t h e g e n e r a l r a t e o f p r o f i t s is by no means incompatible with a p a r t i a l r i s e o f p r o f i t s i n p a r t i c u l a r e m p l o y m e n t s. I t i s t h r o u g h t h e i n e q a a l i t y o f p r o f i t s, t h a t c a p i t a l i s m o v e d f r o m o n e e m p l o y m e n t t o a n o t h e r. Whilst then general profits are falling, and gradually settling at a lower level in consequence of the rise of wages, and the increasing difficulty of supplying the increasing population with necessaries, the profits of the farmer may, for an interval of some little duration, be above the former level.

An extraordinary Stimulus may be also given for a certain time, to a particular branch of foreign and colonial trade." (l.c.p. 118, 119.)

435 "It should be recollected that prices always vary in the marked, and in the first instance, through the comparative state of demand and supply. Although cloth could be furnished at 40 sh. per yard, and give the u s u a l p r o f i t s o f s t o c k, it may rise of 60 or 80 sh. from a general change of fashion ... The makers of cloth will for a time have unusual profits, but capital will naturally flow to that manufacture, till the supply and demand are again at their fair level.when the price of cloth will again sink to 40 sh., its natural or necessary price. In the same manner, with every increased demand for corn, it may rise so high as to afford more than the general profits to the farmer. If there be plenty of fertile land, the price of corn will again fall to its former Standard, after the requisite quantity of capital has been

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employed in producing it, and profits will be as before; but if there be not plenty of fertile land, if, to produce this additional quantity, more then the usual quantity of capital and labour be required, corn will not fall to its former level. Its natural price will be raised, and the farmer, instead of obtaining permanently larger profits, will find himself obliged to be satisfied with the diminished rate which is the inevitable consequence of the rise of wages, produced by the rise of necessaries." (l.c.p. 119, 120.)

439 "Any change from one foreign trade to another, or from home to foreign trade, cannot, in my opinion, affect the rate of profits." (l.c.p. 413.)

439 "They contend, that the equality of profits will be brought about by the general rise of profits; and I am of opinion, that the profits of the favoured trade will speedily subside to the general level." (l.c.p. 132, 133.)

440 "It is n o t, therefore, in consequence of the extension of the market that the rate of profit is raised." (l.c.p. 136.)

459 "Rent is that portion of the produce from the soil (or f r o m a n y a g e n c y o f p r o d u c t i o n) which is paid to the landlord for the u s e o f i t s d i f f e r e nt i a l p o w e r s, as measured by comparison with those of similar agencies operating on the same market." (l.c. [Thomas de Quincey, "The logic of political economy", Edinburgh and London 1844] p. 163.)

459 ... "n o s e p a r a t e c l a s s o f o c c u p a n t s a n d t e n a n t s distinct from the c l a s s o f o w n e r s ¦¦688¦ can have been formed." (l.c.p. 176.)

461) "Mr. Hallett insists that ears of corn, like race-horses, must be carefully reared, instead of, as is done ordinarily, grown in higgledy-piggledy fashion, with no regard to the theory of natural selection. In Illustration of what good education may do, even with wheat, some remarkable examples are given. In 1857, Mr.H[allett] planted an ear of the first quality of the red wheat, exactly 4 3/8 inches long, and containing 47 grains. From the produce of the small crops ensuing, he again selected, in 1858, the finest ear, 6 1/2 inches long, and with 79 grains; and this was repeated, in 1859, with the again best offspring, this time 7 3/4 inches long, and containing 91 grains. The next year, 1860, was a bad season for agricultural education, and the wheat refused to grow any bigger and better; but the year after, 1861, the best ear came to be 8 3/4 inches long, with no less than 123 grains on the single stalk. Thus the wheat had increased, in five years, to very nearly double its size, and to a threefold amount of productiveness in number of grains. These results were obtained by what Mr.H[allett] calls the 'n a t u r a l System' of cultivating wheat; that is, the planting of single grains at such a distance - about 9 inches from each other - every way - as to afford each sufficient space for full development ... He asserts that the corn produce of England may be doubled be adopting 'pedigree wheat' and the 'natural System' of cultivation. He states that from single grains, planted at the proper time, one only of each square foot of ground; he obtained plants consisting of 23 ears in the average, with about 36 grains in each ear. The produce of an acre at this rate was, accurately counted, 1 001 880 ears of wheat; while, when sown in the ordinary fashion, with an expenditure of more than 20 times the amount of seed, the crop amounted to only 934 120 ears of corn, or 67 760 ears less..." [Quelle nicht festgestellt.]

461 "With the progress of Society the n a t u r a l p r i c e o f l a b o u r has always a t e n d e n c y t o r i s e, b e c a u s e o n e o f t h e p r i n c i p a l c o m m od i t i e s b y w h i c h i t s n a t u r a l p r i c e i s r e g u l a t e d, h a s a t e n d e n c y t o b e c o m e d e a r e r, f r o m t h e g r e a t e r d i f f i c u l t y o f p r o d u c i n g i t. As, however, the improvements in agriculture, the discovery of new markets, whence provisions may be imported, may

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for a time counteract the tendency to a rise in the price of necessaries, and may even occasion their natural price to fall, so will the same causes produce the correspondent effects on the natural price of labour.

The natural price of all commodities, excepting raw produce and labour, has a tendency to fall, in the progress of wealth and population; for though, on one hand, they are enhanced in real value, from the rise in the natural price of the raw material of which they are made, this is more than counterbalanced by the improvements in machinery, by the better division and distribution of labour, and by t h e i n c r e a s i n g s k i l l, both in s c i e n c e a n d a r t, of the procfacers." ([Ricardo, "On the principles of political economy, and taxation", London 1821] p. 86, 87.)

462 "As population increases, these necessaries will be constantly rising in price, because more labour will be necessary to produce them ... Instead, therefore, of the money wages of labour falling, they would rise; but they would not rise sufficiently to enable the labourer to purchase as many comforts and necessaries as he did before the rise in the price of those commodities ... Notwithstanding, then, that the labourer would be really worse paid, yet this i n c r e a s e i n h i s w a g e s w o u l d n e c e s s a r i l y d i m i n i s h t h e p r o f i t s o f t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r; for his goods would sell at no higher price, and yet the expense of producing them would be increased... It appears, then, that t h e s a m e c a u s e w h i c h r a i s e s r e n t t h e i n c r e a s i n g d i f f ic u l t y o f p r o v i d i n g a n a d d i t i o n a l q u a n t i t y o f f o o d w i t h t h e s a m e p r op o r t i o n a l q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r, w i l l a l s o r a i s e w a g e s; and therefore if money be of an unvarying value, both rent and wages will have a tendency to rise with the progress of wealth and population. (l.c.p. 96, 97.)

But there is this essential difference between the rise of rent and the rise of wages. The rise in the money value of rent is accompanied by an ¦¦690¦ increased share of the produce; not only is the landlord's money rent greater, but his corn rent also ... The fate of the labourer will be less happy; he will receive more money wages; it is true, but his corn wages will be reduced; and not only his command of corn, but his general condition will be deteriorated, by his finding it more difficult to maintain the market rate of wages above their natural rate." (l.c.p. 97, 98.)

462 "Suppose corn and manufactured goods always to sell at the same price, profits would be high or low in proportion as wages were low or high, But suppose corn to rise in price because more labour is necessary to produce it; that cause will not raise the price of manufactured goods in the production of which no additional quantity of labour is required ... if, as is absolutely certain, wages should rise with the rise of corn, then their profits would necessarily fall." (l.c.p. 108.)

463 ... "whether the f a r m e r a t l e a s t would not have the same rate of profits, although he should pay an additional sum for wages? Certainly not: for he will not only have to pay, in common with the manufacturer, an increase of wages to each labourer he employs, but be will be obhged e i t h e r t o p a y r e n t, o r t o e m p l o y a n a d d i t i o n a l n u m b e r o f l a b o u r e r s t o o b t a i n t h e s a m e p r o d u c e; and the rise in the price of the raw produce will be proportioned only to that rent, or that additional number, and will not compensate him for the rise of wages." (l.c.p. 108.)

463 "We have shown that in e a r l y s t a g e s o f s o c i e t y, both the landlord's and the labourer's share of the v a l u e of the produce of the earth, would be but small; and that it would increase in proportion to the progress of wealth, and the difficulty of procuring food." (l.c.p. 109.)

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463 "The natural tendency of profits then is to fall; for, in the progress of society and wealth, the additional quantity of food required is obtained by the sacrifice of more and more labour.

This tendency, this gravitation as it were of profits, is happily checked at repeated, intervals by the improvements of machinery, connected with the production of necessaries, as well as by discoveries in the science of a agnculture which enable us to relinquish a portion of labour before required, and therefore to lower the price of the prime necessary of the labourer." (l.c.p. 120, 121.)

463 "Although a greater v a l u e is produced, a g r e a t e r p r o p o r t i o n o f w h a t r e m a i n s o f t h a t v a l u e, after paying rent, is consumed by the producers, and i t i s t h i s, and t h i s a l o n e, w h i c h r e g ul a t e s p r o f i t s." (l.c.p. 127.)

464) "In the form of money ... capital is productive of no profit; in the form of materials, machinery, and food, for which it might be exchanged, it w o u l d b e p r o d u c t i v e o f r e v e n u e" (l.c.p. 267.) "The capital of the stockholder can ¦¦692¦ never be made productive - i t i s, i n f a c t, n o c a p i t a l. If he were to sell his stock, and employ the capital he obtained for it, productively, he could only do so by detaching the capital of the buyer of his stock from a productive employment." (l.c.p.289, note.)

464 "When poor lands are taken into cultivation, or when more capital and labour are expended on the old land, with a less return of produce, the effect must be permanent. A greater proportion of that part of the produce which remains to be divided, after paying rent, between the owners of stock and the labourers, will be apportioned to the latter." (l.c.p. 127, 128.)

464 "Each man may, and probably will, have a less absolute quantity; but as more labourers are employed in proportion to the whole produce retained by the farmer, the value of a greater proportion of the whole produce will be absorbed by wages, and consequently the value of a smaller proportion will be devoted to profits." (l.c.p. 128.)

465 "The remaining quantity of the produce of the land, after the landlord and labourer are paid, necessarily belongs to the farmer, and c o n s t i t u t e s t h e p r o f i t s o f h i s s t o c k." (l.c.p. 110.)

465) "In the Chapter on Wages, we have endeavoured to show that t h e m o n e y p r i c e o f c o m m o d i t i e s w o u l d n o t b e r a i s e d b y a r i s e o f w a g e s ... But if it were otherwise, if the prices of commodities were permanently raised by high wages, the proposition would not be less true, which asserts that high wages invariably affect the employers of labour, by depriving them of a portion of their real profits. Supposing the hatter, the hosier, and the shoemaker each paid 10 l. more wages in the manufacture of a particular quantity of their commodities, and that the price of hats, stockings, and shoes, rose by a sum sufficient to repay the manufacturer the 10 l.; t h e i r s i t u a t i o n w o u l d b e n o b e t t e r t h a n i f n o s u c h r i s e t o o k p l a c e. If the hosier sold his stockings for 110 l. instead of 100 l., his profits would be precisely the same money amount as before; but as he would obtain in exchange for this equal sum, one tenth less of hats, shoes, and every other commodity; and as he could w i t h h i s f o r m e r a m o u n t o f s a v i n gs" (...) "e m p l o y f e w e r l a b o u r e r s a t t h e i n c r e a s e d w a g e s, and purchase fewer raw materials at the increased prices, he would be in no better situation than if his money profits had been really diminished in amount, and every thing had remained at its former price." (l.c.p. 129.)

466 "In an improving State of Society, the net produce of land is always diminishing in proportion to its gross produce." (l.c.p. 198.)

466 "In rich and powerful countries, where large capitals are invested in machinery, more distress will be experienced from a revulsion in trade, than in poorer countries w h e r e

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t h e r e i s p r o p a r t i o n a l l y a m u c h s m a ll e r a m o u n t o f f i x e d, a n d a m u c h l a r g e r a m o u n t o f c i r c u l a t i n g 1*) c ap i t a l, and where consequently m o r e w o r k i s d o n e b y t h e l a b o u r o f m e n. It is not so difficult to withdraw a circulating as a fixed capital, from any employment in which it may be engaged. It is often impossible to divert the machinery which may have been erected for one manufacture, to the purposes of another; but the clothing, the food, and the lodging of the labourer in one employment may be devoted to the Support of the labourer in another" (···); "or the same labourer may receive the same food, clothing and lodging, whilst his employment is changed. This, however, is an evil to which a rich nation must submit; and it would not be more reasonable to complain of it, than it would be in a rich merchant to lament that his chip was exposed to the dangers of the sea, while his poor neighbour's cottage was safe from all such hazard." (l.c.p. 311.)

466 "Whatever capital becomes fixed on the land, must necessarily be the l a n d l o r d' s, and not the tenants, at the expiration of the lease. Whatever compensation the landlord may receive for this capital, on reletting his land, w i l l a p p e a r i n t h e f o r m o f r e n t; but no rent will be paid, if, with a given capital, more corn can be obtained from abroad, than can be grown on this land at home." (l.c.p. 315, note.)

466 "In a former part of this work, I have noticed the difference between rent, properly so called, and the remuneration paid to the landlord under that name, for the advantages which the expenditure of his capital has procured to this tenant; but I did not perhaps sufficiently distinguish the difference which would arise from the different modes in which this capital might be applied, As a part of this capital, when once expended in the improvement of a farm, is inseparably amalgamated with the land, and tends to increase its productive powers, the r e n u m e r a t i o n p a i d t o t h e l a n d l o r d f o r i t s u s e i s s t r i c t l y o f t h e n a t u r e o f r e n t, and is subject to all the laws of rent. Whether the improvement be made at the expense of the landlord or the tenant, it will not be undertaken in the first instance, unless there is a strong probability that the return will at least be equal to the p r o f i t that can be made by the disposition of any other equal capital; but when once made, the return obtained will e v e r a f t e r b e w h o l l y o f t h e n a t u r e o f r e n t, and will be subject to all the variations of rent. Some of these expenses, however, only give advantages to the land for a limited period, and do not add permanently to its productive powers: being bestowed on buildings, and other perishable improvements, they require to be constantly renewed, and therefore do not obtain for the landlord any permanent addition to his real rent." (l.c.p. 306, note.)

467 "In all countries, and at all times, p r o f i t s d e p e n d on the quantity of labour requisite to provide necessaries for the labourers, on that land or with that capital which yields no rent." (l.c.p. 128.)

468 "From the account which has been given of the profits of stock, it will appear, that n o a c c u m u l a t i o n o f c a p i t a l w i l l p e r m a n e n t l y l o w er p r of i t s, u n l e s s t h e r e b e s o m e p e r m a n e n t c a u s e f o r t h e r i s e o f w a g e s ... If the necessaries of the workman could be constantly mcreased with the same facility, there could be no p e r m a n e n t a l t e r at i o n i n t h e r a t e o f p r o f i t o r w a g e s" (sollte heißen in the rate of surplus value and the value of labour), "to whatever amount capital might be accumulated.

A d a m S m i t h, h o w e v e r, uniformly a s c r i b e s t h e f a l l o f p r o f i t s l o t h e a c c u m u l at i o n o f c a p i t a l, a n d t o t h e c o m p e t it i o n w h i c h w i l l r e s u l t f r o m i t, without ever advertmg to the increasmg difficulty of providing food for the additional number of labourers which the additional capital will employ." (l.c.p. 338, 339.)

_____

1) In der Handschrift: circulated

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469 "There is only one case, and that will be t e m p o r a r y, in which the accumulation of capital with a low price of food may be attended with a fall of profits; and that is, when the funds for the maintenance of labour increase much more rapidly than population; - wages will then be high, and profits low." (l.c.p. 343.)

470 "M. Say allows, that the rate of interest depends on the rate of profits; but it does not therefore follow, that the rate of profits depends on the rate of interest. One is the cause, the other the effect, and it is impossible for any circumstances to make them change place." (l.c.p. 353, note.)

470 "M. Say acknowledges that the c o s t o f p r o d u c t i o n is the foundation of price, and yet in various parts of his book he maintains that price is regulated by the Proportion which demand bears to supply." (l.c.p. 411.)

470 "The real and ultimate regulator of the relative value of any two commodities, is the cost of their production." (l.c.)

470 "And does not A. Smith agree in this opinion" {that prices are regulated neither by wages nor profits,} "when he says, that 'the p r i c e s of commodities, or the v a l u e of gold and silver as compared with commodities, depends upon the Proportion between the q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r which is necessary in order to bring a certain quantity of gold and silver to market, and that which is necessary to bring thith'er a certain quantity of any other sort of goods?' That quantity will not be affected, whether profits be high or low, or wages low or high. How then can prices be raised by high profits?" (l.c.p. 413, 414.)

Siebzehntes Kapitel

471 ... "all the productions of a country are consumed; but it maked the greatest difference imaginable whether they are consumed by t h o s e w h o r e p r o d u c e, o r b y t h o s e w h o d o n o t r e p r o d u c e a n o t h e r v a l u e.

When we say that r e v e n u e is s a v e d, and a d d e d t o c a p i t a l, what we mean is, that the p o r t i o n o f r e v e n u e, so s a i d t o b e a d d e d t o c a p i t a l, is c o n s u m e d b y p r o d u c t i v e i n s t e a d o f u n p r o d u c t i v e l a b o u r e r s," (...) "There can be no greater error than in supposing that c a p i t a l i s i n c r e a s e d b y n o n c o n s u m pt i o n. If the price of labour should rise so high, that notwithstanding the increase of capital, no more could be employed, I should say that such i n c r e a s e o f c a p i t a l w o u l d b e s t i l l u n p r o d u ct i v e l y c o n s u m e d." (p. 163, note.)

474 "The labour of a million of men in manufactures, will always produce the same value, but will not always produce the same riches." (l.c.p. 320.)

485 "There will, indeed, where production and consumption are comparatively great, naturally be, at any gwen moment, a c o m p a r a t i v e l y g r e a t s u r p l u s in the intermediate state, in the market, on its way from having been produced to the hands of the consumer; unless indeed the quickness with which the things are sold off should have increased so as to counteract what would else have been the consequence of the increased production." (p. 6, 7 "An Inquiry into those Principles, respecting the Nature of Demand and the Necessity of Consumption, lately advocated by Mr. Malthus etc.", Lond. 1821.)

494 "M. Say" (...) "has ... most satisfactorily shown, that there is no amount of capital which may not be employed in a country, because d e m a n d i s o n l y l i m i t e d b y p r o d u c t i o n. No man p r o d u c e s, b u t w i t h a v i e v) t o c o n s u m e or s e i l, a n d h e n e v e r s e l l s, b u t with an i n t e n t i o n t o p u rc h a s e s o m e o t h e r c o m m o d i t y, which may be immediately useful to him, or which may

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contribute to future production. By producing, then, he necessarily becomes either the consumer of his own goods, or the purchaser and consumer of the goods of some other person. It is not to be supposed that he should, for any length of time, be ill-informed of the commodities which he can most advantageously produce, to attain the object which he has in view, namely, the p o s s e s s i o n o f o t h e r g o o d s; and, therefore, it is not probable that he will c o n t i n u a l l y" (...) "produce a commodity for which there is no demand. "([Ricardo, "On the principles...", London 1821,] p. 339, 340.)

494 "Is the following quite consistent with M.Say's principle?

'The more disposable capitals are abundant in proportion to the extent of employment for them, the more will the rate of interest on loans of capital fall.' - (S a y vol. II, p. 108.) If capital to any extent can be employed by a country, how can it be said to be abundant, compared with the extent of employment for it?" (lcp. 340, note.)

497 "There cannot, then, be accumulated in a country any amount of capital which cannot be employed productively, until wages rise so high in consequence of the rise of necessaries, and so little consequently remains for the profits of stock, that the motive for accumulation ceases." (l.c.p. 340.) "It follows, then ... that there is no limit to demand - no limit to the employment of capital while it yields any profit, and that h o w e v e r a b u n d a n t c a p i t a l m a y b e c o m e, there is no other adequate reason for a f a l l o f p r o f i t but a rise of wages, and further it may be added, that the only adequate and permanent cause for the rise of wages is the increasing difficulty of providing food and necessaries l¦707¦ for the increasing number of workmen." (l.c.p. 347, 348.)

499 "One would be led to think . .. that Adam Smith concluded we were u n d e r s o m e necessity" (...) "o f p r o d uc i n g a s u r p l u s of corn, woollen goods, and hardware, and that the capital which produced them could not be otherwise employed. It is, however, always a matter of choice in what way a capital shall be employed, and therefore there can never, f o r a n y l e n g t h o f t i m e, be a surplus of any commodity; for if there were, it would fall below its natural price, and capital would be removed to some more profitable employment." (p.341, 342, note.)

500 "P r o d u c t i o n s a r e a l w a y s b o u g h t b y p r o d u c t i o n s, o r b y S e r v i c e s; m o n e y i s o n l y t h e m e d i u m b y w h i c h t h e e x c h a n g e i s e f f e c t e d." (...) "Too much of a particular commodity may be produced, of which there may be such a glut in the market, as not to repay the capital expended upon it; b u t t h i s c a n n o t b e t h e c a s e t o i t h a l l c o m m o d i t i e s." (l.c.p. 341, 342.)

500 "Whether t h e s e i n c r e a s e d p r o d u ct i o n s, a n d t h e c o n s e q u e n t d e m a n d w h i c h t h e y o c c a s i o n, shall or shall not lower profits, depends solely on the rise of wages; and the rise of wages, excepting, for a limited period, on the facility of producing the food and necessaries of the labourer." (l.c.p. 343.)

500 "When merchants engage their capitals in foreign trade, or in the carrying trade, it is always from choice, and never from necessity: it is because in that trade their profits be somewhat greater than in the home trade." (p. 344.)

504 "Too much of a p a r t i c u l a r commodity may be produced, of which there may be such a glut in the market, as not to repay the capital expended on it; but this cannot be the case with respect to a l l commodities." (p. 341, 342.)

506 "Too much of a particular commodity may be produced, of which there may be such a glut in the market, as not to repay the capital expended on it; but this cannot be the case with respect to all commodities; the demand for corn is limited by the mouths which are

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to eat it, for shoes and coats by the persons who are to wear them; but though a community, or a part of a community, may have as much corn, and as many hats and shoes, as it is able or may wish to consume, t h e s a m e c a n n o t b e s a i d o f e v e r y c o m m o d i t y p r o d u c e d b y n a t u r e o r b y a r t. Some would consume more wine, if they had the ability to procure it. Others having enough of wine, would wish to increase the quantity or improve the quality of their furniture. Others might wish to Ornament their grounds, or to enlarge their houses. The wish to do all or some of these is implanted in every man's breast; n o t h i n g i s r e q u i r e d b u t t h e m e a n s, a n d n o t h i n g c a n a f f o r d t h e m e a n s, b u t a n i n c r e a s e o f p r o d u c t i o n." (l.c.p. 341, 342.)

525 "When merchants engage their capitals in foreign trade, or in the carrying trade, it is always from choice, and never from necessity: it is because in that trade their profits be somewhat greater than in the home trade. Adam Smith has justly observed 'that the desire of food is limited in every man by the narrow capacity of the human stomach" {...}, "but the desire of the conveniences and ornaments of building, dress, equipage, and household furniture, seems to have no limit or certain boundary.' N a t u r e then" (...) "has necessarily l i m i t e d t h e a m o u n t o f c a p i t a l w h i c h c a n at any t i m e b e p r o f i t a b l y e n g a g e d i n a g r i c u l t u r e" {...}, "b u t s h e h a s p l a c e d n o l i m i t s" (...) "t o t h e a m o u n t o f c a p i t a l that may be employed in procuring 'the conveniences and ornaments' of life. To procure these gratifications in t h e g r e a t e s t a b u n d a n c e is t h e o b j e c t i n v i e w, and it is only because foreign trade, or the carrying trade, will accomplish it better, that men engage in them in preference to manufacturing the commodities required, or a substitute for them, at home. If, however, from peculiar circumstances, we were precluded from engaging capital in foreign trade, or in the carrying trade, we should, though with less advantage, employ it at home; and w h i l e t h e r e i s n o l i m i t to the desire of 'conveniences, ornaments of building, dress, equipage, and ¦¦721¦ household furniture,' t h e r e c a n b e n o l i m i t t o t h e c a p i t a l t h a t m a y b e e m p l o y e d i n p r o c u r i n g t h e m, except that which bounds our power to m a i n t a i n t h e w o r k m e n w h o a r e t o p r o d u c e t h e m.

Adam Smith, however, speaks of the carrying trade as one, not of choice, but of necessity; as if the capital engaged in it would be inert if not so employed, as i f t h e c a p i t a l i n t h e h o m e t r a d e c o u l d o v e r f l o w, if not confined to a limited amount. He says, 'when the capital stock of any country is increased to such a degree, t h a t i t c a n n o t b e a l l e m p l o y e d i n s u p p l y i n g t h e c o n s u m p t i o n, and s u p p o r t i n g t h e p r o d u c t i v e l a b o u r o f t h a t p a r t i c ul a r c o u n t r y" {diese Stelle des Zitats druckt Ric[ardo] selbst gesperrt}, "the s u r p l u s p a r t of it naturally disgorges itself into the carrying trade, and is employed in performing the same offices to other countries' ... But could not this portion of the productive labour of Great Britain be employed in preparing some other sort of goods, with which something more in demand at home might be purchased? And if it could not, might we not employ this productive labour, though with less advantage, in making those goods in demand at home, or at least some substitute for them? If we wanted velvets, might we not attempt to make velvets; and Jf we could not succeed, might we not make more cloth, or some other object desirable to us?

We manufacture commodities, and with them buy goods abroad, because we can obtam a g r e a t e r q u a n t i t y" {···} "than we could make at home. Deprice us of this trade, and we immediately manufacture again for ourselves. But this opinion of Adam Smith is at variance with all his general doctrines on this subject.' If" {...} "a foreign country can supply us with a commodity cheaper than we ourselves can make it, better buy it of them with some part of the produce of our own industry, employed in a way in which we

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have some advantage. T h e g e n e r a l i n d u s t r y o f t h e c o u n t r y b e i n g a l w a y s i n p r o p o r t i o n t o t h e c a p i t a l w h i c h e m p l o y s i t" {...} (Ric[ardo] sperrt den letztangeführten Satz wieder) "will - not thereby be diminished, but only left to find out the way in which it can be employed with the greatest advantage." Again. 'Those, therefore, who have the command of more food than they themselves can consume, are always willing to e x c h a n g e t h e s u r p l u s, or, that is the same thing, the price of it, for gratifications of another kind. What is over and above satisfying the limited desire, is given for the amusement of t h o s e d e s i r e s w h i c h c a n n o t b e s a t i s f i e d, b u t s e e m t o b e a l t o g e t h e r e n d l e s s. The poor, in order to obtain food, exert themselves to gratify those fancies of the rieh; and to obtain it more certainly, they vie with one another in the cheapness and perfection of their work. The number of workmen increases with the increasing quantity of food, or with the growmg improvement and cultrvation of the lands; and as the nature of their business admits of the utmost subdivisions of labours, the quantity of materials which they can work up increases in a much greater proportion than their numbers. Hence anses a demand for every sort of material which human invention can employ, either usefully or ornamentally, in building, dress, equipage, or household furniture; for the fossils and minerals contained in the bowels of the earth, the precious metals, and the precious stones.' It follows then from these admissions, that t h e r e i s n o l i m i t t o d e m a n d - n o l i m i t t o t h e e m p l o y m e n t o f c a p i t a l w h i l e i t y i e l d s a n y p r o f i t, and that h o w e v e r a b u n d a n t c a p i t a l m a g b e c o m e, there is no other adequate reason for a fall of profit but a rise of wages, and further it may be added, that the only adequate and permanent cause for the rise of wages is the increasing difficulty of providing food and necessaries for the increasing number of workmen." (l.c.p. 344-348.)

535 "When the annual productions of a country more than replace its annual consumption, it is said to increase its capital; when its annual consumption is not at least replaced by its annual production, it is said to diminish its capital. Capital may therefore be increased by an increased production, or by a diminished unproductive consumption." (p. 162, 163.)

536 "When we say" (...) "that revenue is saved, and added to capital, what we mean is, that the portion of revenue, so said to be added to capital, is consumed by productive instead of unproductive labourers." [l.c.p. 163, note.]

536 "If the price of labour should rise so high, that notwithstanding the increase of capital, no more could be employed, I should say that such increase of capital would be still unproductively consumed." [l.c.p. 163, note.]

536 "T h e r e a r e t w o w a y s i n w h i c h c a p i t a l m a y b e a c c u m m u l a t e d: it may be saved either in c o n s e q u e n c e o f i n c r e a s e d r e v e n u e, o r o f d i m i n i s h e d c o n s u m pt i o n. If my p r o f i t s a r e r a i s e d from 1000 l. to 1200 l. w h i l e m y e x p e n d i t u r e c o n t in u e s t h e s a m e, I accumulate annually 200 l. more than I did before. If I s a v e 2 0 0 l. o u t o f m y e xp e n d i t u r e, w h i l e m y p r o f i t s c o n t in u e t h e s a m e, the same effect will be produced; 200 l. per annum will be added to my capital." (p. 135.)

536 "If, by the introduction of machinery, the g e n e r al i t y o f t h e c o m m o d i t i e s o n w h i c h r e v e n u e w a s e x p e n d e d fell 20 per cent. in value, I should be enabled to save as effectually as if my revenue had been raised 20 per cent.; but in one case the r a t e o f p r o f i t s is stationary, in the other it is raised 20 per cent. - If, by the introduction of cheap foreign goods, I can save 20 per cent. from my expenditure, the effect will be precisely the same as if machinery had lowered the expense of their production, but profits would not be rised." (p. 136.)

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537 "The wealth" (...) "of a country may be increased in two ways: it may be increased by e m p l o y i n g a g r e a t e r p o r t i o n o f r e v e n u e i n t h e m a i n t e na n c e o f p r o d u c t i v e l a b o u r, - which will not only add to the q u a n t i t y, but to the v a l u e of the mass of commodities; or it may be increased, w i t h o u t e m p l o y i n g a n y a d d i t i o n a l q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r, by m a k i n g t h e s a m e q u a n t it y m o r e p r o d u c t i v e, - which will add to the abundance, but not to the value of commodities.

In the first case, a country would not only become rich, but the value of its riches would increase. It w o u l d b e c o m e r i c h b y p a r s i m o n y; by diminishing its expenditure on objects of luxury and enjoyment; and e m p l o y i n g t h o s e s a v i n g s i n r e p r o d u c t i o n.

¦¦727¦ In the second case, there will not necessarily be either a n y d i m i n i s h e d e x p e n d i t u r e o n l u x ur i e s a n d e n j o y m e n t s, or any i n c r e a s e d q u a n t i t y o f p r o d u c t i v e l a b o u r e mp l o y e d, but w i t h t h e s a m e l a b o u r m o r e w o u l d b e p r o d u c e d; wealth would increase, but not value. Of these two modes of increasing wealth, the last must be preferred, since it produces the same effect without the privation and diminution of enjoyments, which can never fail to accompany the first mode. C a p i t a l i s t h a t p a r t o f t h e w e a l t h o f a c o u n t r y w h i c h i s e m p l o y e d w i t h a v i e w t o f u t u r e p r od u c t i o n, a n d m a y b e i n c r e a s e d i n t h e s a m e m a n n e r a s w e a l t h. An a d d i t i o n a l c a p i t a l will be equally efficacious in the production of future wealth, whether it b e o b t a i n e d f r o m i mp r o v e m e n t s i n s k i l l a n d m a c h i n e r y, or from u s i n g m o r e r e v e n u e r e p r o d u ct i v e l y; for wealth always depends on the quantity of commodities produced, without any regard to the facility with which the instruments employed in production may have been procured. A certain quantity of clothes and provisions will maintam and employ the same number of men, and will therefore procure the same quantity of work to be done, whether they be produced by the labour of 100 or 200 men; but they will be of twice the value if 200 have been employed on their production." (p. 327, 328.)

539 "The labour of a million of men in manufactures, will always produce the same value, but will not always produce the same riches." (...) "By the invention of machinery, by improvements in skill, by a better division of labour, or by the discovery of new markets, where more advantageous exchanges may be made, a million of men may produce double, or treble the amount of riches, of 'necessaries, conveniences, and amusements,' in one state of society, that they could produce in another, but they will not on that account add any thing to value" (...); "for every thing rises or falls in value, in proportion to the facility or difficulty of producing it, or, in other words, in proportion to the quantity of labour employed on its production." (...) "Suppose with a given capital, the labour of a certain number of men produced 1000 pair of stockings, and that by mventions m machinery, the same number of men can produce 2000 pair, or that they can contmue to produce 1000 pair, and can besides produce 500 hats; then the value of the 2000 pair of stockings, [or of the 1000 pair of stockings,] and 500 hats, will be neither more nor less than that of the 1000 pair of stockings before the introduction of machinery; for they will be the produce of the same quantity of labour." (...) "But the v a l u e o f t h e g e n e r a l m a s s o f c o m m o d i t i e s w i l l n e v e r t h el e s s b e d i m i n i s h e d; for, although the value of the increased quantity produced, in consequence of the improvement, will be the same exactly as the value would have been of the less quantity that would have been produced, had no improvement taken place, a n e f f e c t i s a l s o p r od u c e d o n t h e p o r t i o n o f g o o d s s t i l l u n c o n s u m e d, w h i c h w e r e m a n u f a c t u r e d p r e v i o u s l y t o t h e i m p r o v e m e n t; the value of those goods will be reduced, in as much as they must fall to the level, quantity for quantity, of the goods produced under all the advantages of the improvement: and the society will, notwithstanding the increased quantity of commodities, notwithstanding its augmented riches, and its augmented

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means of enjoyment, h a v e a l e s s a m o u n t o f v a l u e. By c o n s t a n t l y i n c r e a s i n g t h e f a c i l i t y o f p r o d u c t i o n, w e c o n s t a n tl y d i m i n i s h t h e v a l u e o f s o m e o f t h e c o m m o d i t i e s b e f o r e p r o d u c e d, though by the same means we not only add to the national riches, but also to the power of future production." (p. 320-322.)

540 "With respect to the third objection against taxes on raw produce, namely, that the raising wages, and lowering profits, is a discouragement to accumulation, and acts in the same way as a natural poverty of soll; I have endeavoured to shew in another part of this work that s a v i n g s m a y b e a s e f f e c t u a l l y m a d e f r o m e x p e n d i t u r e a s f r o m p r o d u c t i o n; f r o m a r e d u c t i o n i n t h e v a l u e o f c o m m o d i t i e s, a s f r o m a r i s e i n t h e r a t e o f p r o f i t s. By increasing my profits from 1000 to 1200 l., whilst p r i c e s continue the same, my power of increasing my capital by savings is increased, but it is not increased so much as it would be if m y p r o f i t s c o n t i n u e d a s b e f o r e, whilst commodities were so lowered in price, that 800 l. would produce 1*=) me as much as 1000 l. purchased before." (p. 183, 184.)

541 "The whole argument, however, of Mr. Malthus, is built on an infirm basis: it supposes, because the g r o s s i n c o m e of the country is diminished, that, therefore, the net income must also be diminished, in the same proportion. It has been one of the objects of his work to shew, that with every fall in the real value of necessaries, the wages of labour would fall, and that the profits of stock would rise - in other words, that of any given annual value a less portion would be paid to the labouring class, and a larger portion to those whose funds employed this class. Suppose the value of the commodities produced in a particular manufacture to be 1000 l., and to be divided between the master and his labourers, in the proportion of 800 l. to labourers, and 200 l. to the master; ¦¦729¦ if the value of these commodities should fall to 900 l., and 100 l. be saved from the wages of labour, the net income of the masters would be in no degree impaired, and, therefore, [he] could with just as much facility pay the same amount of taxes, after, as before the reduction of price." (p. 511, 512.)

541 "Notwithstanding the tendency of wages to conform to their natural rate, their market rate may, in an improving society, for an indefinite period, be constantly above it; for no sooner may the impulse, which an increased capital gives to a new demand for labour be obeyed, than another increase of capital may produce the same effect; and thus, if the increase of ccpital be gradual and constant, the demand for labour may give a continued stimulus to an increase of people." (p. 88.)

541 "An accumulation of capital naturally produces an increased competition among the employers of labour, and a consequent rise in its price." (p. 178.)

542 "In different stages of Society, the accumulation of capital, or of the means of employing labour, is more or less rapid, and m u s t i n a l l c a s e s d e p e n d o n t h e p r o d u c t i v e p o w e r s o f l a b o u r, The productive powers of labour are generally greatest when there is an abundance of fertile land: at such periods accumulation is often so rapid, that labourers cannot be supplied with the same rapidity as capital." (p. 92.) "It has been calculated, that under favourable circumstances population may be doubled in twenty-five years; but under the same favourable circumstances, the whole capital of a country might possibly be doubled in a shorter period.

In that case, wages during the whole period would have a tendency to rise, because the demand for labour would increase still faster than the supply. In new settlements, where the arts and knowledge of countries far advances in refmement are

_____

1*) Bei Ricardo : procure

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introduced, it is probable that capital has a tendency to increase faster than mankind: and if the deficiency of labourers were not supplied by more populous countries, this tendency would very much raise the price of labour. In proportion as these countries become populous, and land of a worse quality is taken into cultivation, the tendency to an increase of capital diminishes; f o r t h e s u r p l u s p r o d u c e r e m a i n i n g, a f t e r s a t i s f y i n g t h e e v a n t s o f t h e e x i s t i n g P o p u l a t i o n, m u s t n e c e ss a r i l y b e i n P r o p o r t i o n t o t h e f a c il i t y o f p r o d u c t i o n, v i z. t o t h e s m a ll e r n u m b e r o f p e r s o n s e m p l o y e d i n p r o d u c t i o n. Although, then, it is probable, that under the most favourable circumstances, the power of production is still greater than that of Population, it will not long continue so; for the land being limited in quantity, and differing in quality, with every increased portion of capital employed on it, there will be a decreased rate of production, whilst t h e p o w e r o f p o p u l a t i o n c o n t i n u e s a lw a y s t h e s a m e." (p. 92, 93.)

545 "The n a t u r a l t e n d e n c y o f p r o f i t s t h e n i s t o f a l l; for, in the progress of Society and wealth, the additional quantity of food required is obtained by the sacrifice of more and more labour. This tendency, this g r a v i t a t i o n a s i t w e r e o f P r o f i t s, is h a p p i l y c h e c k e d at repeated intervals by the improvements in machinery, connected with the production of necessaries, as well as by discovenes in the science of agriculture which enable us to relinquish a portion of labour before required, and ¦¦731¦ therefore to lower the price of the prime necessary of the labourer. The rise in the price of necessaries and in the wages of labour is however limited; for as soon as wages should be equal ... to 720 l., the whole receipts of the farmer, there m u s t b e a n e n d o f a c c u m u l a t i o n; f o r n o c a p i t a l c a n t h e n y i e l d a n y p r o f i t w h a t e v e r, and no a d d i t i o n a l l a b o u r c a n b e d e m a n d e d, and consequently p o p u l a t i o n w i l l h a v e r e a c h e d i t s h i g h e s t p o i n t. Long indeed before this period, the v e r y l o w r a t e o f p r o f i t s w i l l h a v e a r r e s t e d a l l a c c u m u l a t i o n, and almost the whole produce of the country, after paying the labourers, will be the property of the owners of land and the receivers of tithes andtaxes." (p. 120, 121.)

545 "Long before this state of prices was become permanent, t h e r e w o u l d b e n o m o t i v e f o r a c c u m ul a t i o n; f o r n o o n e a c c u m u l a t e s b u t w i t h a v i e w t o m a k e h i s a c c u m u l a t i o n p r o d u c t i v e, and consequentiy such a state of prices never could take place. The f a r m e r a n d m a n u f a ct u r e r c a n n o m o r e l i v e w i t h o u t p r of i t, t h a n t h e l a b o u r e r w i t h o u t w ag e s. T h e i r m o t i v e for accumulation will d i m in i s h w i t h e v e r y d i m i n u t i o n o f p r of i t, and will c e a s e a l t o g e t h e r w h e n t h e i r p r o f i l s a r e s o l o w as not to afford them a n a d e q u a t e c o m p e n s a t i o n for their trouble, and the r i s k w h i c h t h e y m u s t n ec e s s a r i l y e n c o u n t e r i n e m p l o y i n g t h e i r c a p i t a l p r o d u c t i v e l y." (p. 123.)

545 "I must again observe, that the rate of profits would fall much more rapidly ... for the value of the produce being what I have stated it under the circumstances supposed, the value of the farmer's stock would be greatly increased from its necessarily consisting of many of the commodities which had risen in value. Before corn could rise from 4 l. to 12 l., h i s c a p i t a l w o u l d p r o b a b l y b e d o u b l e d i n e x c h a ng e a b l e v a l u e, and be worth 6000 l. instead of 3000 l.

If then his profit were 180 l., or 6 per cent. on his original capital, profits would not at that time be really at a higher r a t e than 3 per cent.; for 6000 l. at 3 per cent. gives 180 l.; and on t h o s e t e r m s only could a n e w f a rm e r w i t h 6000 l. m o n e y in his pocket e n t e r i n t o t h e f a r m i n g b u s i n e s s." (p. 124.)

546 "We should also expect that, however, t h e r a t e o f t h e p r o f i t s o f s t o c k might diminish i n c o n s e q u e n c e o f t h e a c c u m u l a t i o n o f c a p i t a l o n t h e l a n d, and the rise of wages, yet that t h e a g g r e g a t e a m o u n t o f p r o f i t s w o u l d i n c r e a s e. Thus supposing that, with repeated accumulations of 100 000 l., the rate of profit should fall from 20 to 19, to 18, to 17 per cent., a

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constantly diminishing rate, we should expect that the whole amount of profits received by those successive owners of capital would be always progressive; that it would be greater when the capital was 200 000 l., than when 100 000 l., still greater when 300 000 l.; and so on, i n c r e a s i n g t h o u g h a t a d i m i n i s h i n g r a t e, w i t h e v e r y i nc r e a s e o f c a p i t a l. This p r o g r e s s i o n h o w e v e r i s o n l y t r u e f o r a c e r t a i n t i m e: thus 19 per cent. on 200 000 l. is more than 20 on 100 000 l.; again 18 per cent. on 300 000 l. is more than 19 per cent. on 200 000 l.; but after capital has accumulated to a large amount, and profits have fallen, the f u r t h e r a c c u m ul a t i o n d i m i n i s h e s t h e a g g r e g a t e o f p r o f i l s. Thus suppose the accumulation should be 1 000 000 l., and the profits 7 per cent. the whole amount of profits will be 70 000 l.; now if an addition of 100 000 l. capital be made to the million, and profits should fall to 6 per cent., 66 000 l. or a diminution of 4000 l. will be received by the owners of stock, although the whole amount of stock will be increased from 1 000 000 l. to 1 100 000 l.

T h e r e c a n, h o w e v e r, b e n o a c c u m u l at i o n o f c a p i t a l, s o l o n g as s t o c k y i e l d s a n y p r o f i t a t a l l, w i t h o u t i t s y i e l d i n g n o t o n l y a n i n c r e a s e o f p r o d u c e, b u t a n i n c r e a s e o f v a l u e. By employing 100 000 l. additional capital, no part of the former capital will be rendered less productive. The produce of the land and labour of the country must increase, and its value will be raised, not only by the value of the addition which is made to the former quantity of productions, but by the new value which is given to the whole produce of the land, by the increased difficulty of producing that last portion of it. When the accumulation of capital, however, becomes very great, notwithstanding this increased value, it will be so distributed that a less value than before will be appropriated to profits, while that which is devoted to rent and wages will be increased." (p. 124-126.)

546 "Although a greater value is produced, a greater proportion of what remains of that value, after paying rent, is consumed by the producers, and it is this, and this alone, which regulates profits. Whilst the land yields abundantly, wages may temporarily rise, and the producers may consume more than their accustomed proportion; but the stimulus which will thus be given to population, will s p e e d i l y r e d u c e t h e l a b o ur e r s o f t h e i r u s u a l c o n s u m p t i o n. But when poor lands are taken into cultivation, or when more capital and labour are expended on the old land, with a less return of produce, the effect must be permanent." (p. 127.)

547 "The effects then of accumulation will be different in different countries, and will depend chiefly on the fertility of the land. However extensive a country may be where the land is of a poor quality, and where the importation of food is prohibited, the most moderate accumulations of capital will be attended with great reductions m the rate of profit, and a rapid rise in rent; and on the contrary a small but fertile country, particularly if it freely permits the importation of food, may accumulate a large stock of capital without any great diminution in the rate of profits, or any great increase in the rent of land." (p. 128, 129.)

547 ... "s u f f i c i e n t s u r p l u s p r o d u c e may not be left to stimulate the exertions of those who usually augment by their savings the capital of the State." (p. 206.)

547 "There is only one case" {ch. XXI "E f f e c t s o f a c c u m u l a t i o n o n p r o f i t s a n d i n t er e s t"} "and that will be temporary, in which the accumulation of capital with a low price of food may be attended with a fall of profits; and that is, when the f u n d s f o r t h e m a i n t e n a n c e o f l a b o u r i n c r e a s e m u c h m o r e r a p i d l y t h a n P o p u l a t i o n; - wages will then be high, and profits low. If every man were to forego the use of luxuries, and be intent only on accumulation, a quantity of necessaries might be produced, for which there could not be any immediate consumption.

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O f c o m m o d i t i e s s o l i m i t e d i n n u m b e r, t h e r e m i g h t u n d o u b t e d l y b e a u n i v e rs a l g l u t, and consequently there might neither be demand for an additional quantity of such commodities, nor profits on the employment of more capital. If men ceased to consume, they would cease to produce." (p. 343.)

Achtzehntes Kapitel

549 "It is of importance to distinguish clearly between gross revenue and net revenue, for it is from the net revenue of a society that all taxes must be paid. Suppose that all the commodities in the country, all the corn, raw produce, manufactured goods, etc. which could be brought to market in the course of the year, were of the value of 20 millions, and that in order to obtain this value, the labour of a certain number of men was necessary, and that the absolute necessaries of these labourers required an expenditure of 10 millions. I should say that the gross revenue of such society was 20 millions, and its net revenue 10 millions. It does not follow from this supposition, that the labourers should receive only 10 millions for their labour; they might receive 12, 14, or 15 millions, and in that case they would have 2, 4, or 5 millions of the net income. The rest would be divided between landlords and capitalists; but the whole net income would not exceed 10 millions. Suppose such a society paid 2 millions in taxes, its net income would be reduced to 8 millions." (p. 512, 513.)

550 "What would be the advantage resulting to a country from a great quantity of productive labour, if, whether it employed that quantity or a smaller, its net rent and profits together would be the same. The w h o l e p r o d u c e o f t h e l a n d a n d l a b o u r o f e v e r y c o u n t r y i s d i v id e d i n t o t h r e e p o r t i o n s: o f t h e s e, o n e p o r t i o n i s d e v o t e d t o w a g e s, a no t h e r t o p r o f i t s, a n d t h e o t h e r to rent." (...) "It is from the two last portions only, that any deductions can be made for taxes, or for savings; t h e f o r m e r, i f m o d e r a t e, c o n s t i t u t i n g a l w a y s t h e n e c e s s a r y e x p e n s e s o f p r o d u c t i o n." (... "Perhaps this is expressed too strongly, as more is generally allotted to the labourer under the name of wages, than the absolutely necessary expenses of production. In that case a part of the net produce of the country is received by the labourer, and may be saved or expended by him; or it may [be] enable him to contribute to the defence of the country.")

"To an individual with a capital of 20 000 l., whose profits were 2000 l. per annum, it would be a matter quite indifferent whether his capital would employ a hundred or a thousand men, whether the commodity produced, sold for 10 000 l. or for 20 000 l., provided, in all cases, his profits were not diminished below 2000 l.

I s n o t t h e r e a l i n t e r e s t o f t h e n at i o n s i m i l a r? P r o v i d e d i t s n e t r e a l i n c o m e, i t s r e n t a n d p r o f i t s b e t h e s a m e, i t i s o f n o i m p o r t a n c e w h e t h e r t h e n a t i o n c o n s i s t s o f t e n o r o f 1 2 m i l l i o n s o f in h a b i t a n t s. Its power of supporting fleets and armies, and all species of unproductive labour, must be in proportion to its net, and not in proportion to its gross income. If five millions of men could produce as much food and clothing as was necessary for ten millions, food and clothing for five millions would be the net revenue. Would it be of any advantage to the country, that to produce this same net revenue, seven millions of men should be required, that is to say, that seven millions should be employed to produce food and clothing sufficient for 12 millions? The food and clothing of five millions would be still the net revenue. The employing a greater number of men would enable us neither to add a man to our army and navy, nor to contribute one guinea more in taxes." (p. 416, 417.)

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551 "There is this advantage always resulting from a relatively low price of corn, - that the division of the actual production is more likely to increase the f u n d f o r t h e m a i n t e n a n c e o f l a b o u r, in as much as more will be allotted, under the name of profit, to the productive class, and less under the name rent, to the u n p r o d e c t i v e c l a s s." (p. 317.)

551 "rent is a creation of value ... but not a creation of wealth. If the price of corn, from the difficulty of producing any portion of it, should rise from 4 l. to 5 l. per qr., a million of qrs. will be of the value of 5 000 000 l. instead of 4 000 000 l., ... the society altogether will be possessed of greater value, and in that sense rent is a creation of value. But this value in so far nominal, that it adds nothing to the wealth, that is to say, the necessanes, conveniences, and enjoyments of the society. We should have precisely the same quantity, and no more of commodities, and the same million quarters of corn as before; but the effect of its being rated at 5 l. per quarter, instead of 4 l., w o u l d b e t o t r a n s f e r a p o rt i o n o f t h e v a l u e o f t h e c o r n a n d c o m m o d i t i e s f r o m t h e i r former possessors to the landlords. Rent then is a creation of value, but not a creation of wealth; i t a d d s n o t h i n g t o t h e r e s o u r c e s o f a c o u n t r y." (p. 485, 486.)

551 "But it may be said, that the capitalist's income will not be increased; that the million deducted from the landlord's rent, will be paid in additional wages to labourers! Be it so; ... the Situation of the society will be improved, and they will be able to bear the same money burthens with greater facility than before; it will only prove what is still more desirable, that the Situation of another class, a n d b y f a r t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t c l a s s i n s o c i e t y, is the one which is chiefly benefited by the new distribution. All that they receive more than 9 millions, f o r m s p a r t o f t h e n e t i n c o m e o f t h i s c o u n t r y, and it cannot be expended without adding to its revenue, its happiness, or its power. Distribute then the net income as you please. Give a little more to one class, and a little less to another, yet you do not thereby diminish it; a greater amount of commodities will be still produced with the same labour, although the amount of the gross money value of such commodities will be dimm-ished; but the net money income of the country, that fund from which taxes are paid and enjoyments procured, would be much more adequate, than before, to maintain the actual population, to afford it enjoyments and luxuries, and to Support any given amount of taxation." (p. 515, 516.)

552 "Suppose ... a machine which could in any particular trade be employed to do the work of one hundred men for a year, and that it would last only for one year. Suppose too, the machine to cost 5000 l. and the wages annually paid to one hundred men to be 5000 l., it is evident that it would be a matter of indifference to the manufacturer whether he bought the machine or employed the men. But suppose labour to rise, and consequently the wages of one hundred men for a year to amount to 5500 l., it is obvious that the manufacturer would now no longer hesitate, it would be for his interest to buy the machine and get his work done for 5000 l. But will not the machine rise in price, will not that also be worth 5500 l. in consequence of the rise of labour? It would rise in price if t h e r e w e r e n o s t o c k e m p l o y e d o n i t s c o n s t r u c t i o n, a n d n o p r o f i l s t o b e p a i d t o t h e m a k e r o f i t. If for example, the machine were the produce of the labour of one hundred men, working one year upon it with wages of 50 l. each, and its price were consequently 5000 l.; should those wages rise to 55 l., its price would be 5500 l., but this cannot be the case; less than one hundred men are employed or it could not be seid for 5000 l., for out of the 5000 l. must be paid the pronts of stock which employed the men. Suppose then that only eightyfive men were employed at an expense of 50 l. each, or 4250 l. per annum, and that the 750 l.

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which the sale of the machine would produce over and above the wages advances to the men, constituted the profits of the engineer's stock. When wages rose 10 per cent. he would be obliged to employ an a d d i t i o n a l c a p i t a l of 425 l. and would therefore employ 4675 l. instead of 4250 l., on which capital he would only get a profit of 325 l. if he continued to sell this machine for 5000 l.; but this is precisely the case of all manufacturers and capitalists; the rise of wages affects them all. If therefore the maker of the machine should raise the price of it in consequence of a rise of wages, an unusual quantity of capital would be employed in the construction of such machines, till their price afforded only the common rate of profits. We see then that machines would not rise in price, in consequence of a rise of wages.

The manufacturer, however, who in a general rise of wages, can have recourse to a machine which shall not increase the charge of production on his commodity, would enjoy peculiar advantages if he could continue to charge the same price for his goods; but he, as we have already seen, would be obliged to lower the price of his commodities, or capital would flow to his trade till his profits had sunk to the general level. Thus t h e n i s t h e p u b l i c b e n e f i t e d b y m a c h i n e r y; t h e s e m u t e a g e n t s a r e a l w a y s t h e p r o d u c e o f m u c h l e s s l a b o u r t h a n t h a t w h i c h t h e y d i s p l a c e, e v e n w h e n t h e y a r e o f t h e s a m e m o n e y v a l u e." (p. 38-40.)

554 "In contradiction to the opinion of Adam Smith, M. Say, in the fourth chapter, speaks of the value which is given to commodities by n a t u r a l a g e n t s, such as the sun, the air, the pressure of the atmosphere, etc., which are sometimes substituted for the labour of man, and sometimes concur with him in producing. But these natural agents, though they add greatly to v a l u e i n u s e, never add exchangeable value, of which M. Say is speaking, to a c o m m o d i t y: as soon as by the a i d o f m a c h i n e r y, o r b y t h e k n o wl e d g e o f n a t u r a l p h i l o s o p h y, you oblige natural agents to do the work which was before done by man, the exchangeable value of such work falls accordingly." (p. 335, 336.)

554 "If ten men turned a corn mill, and it be discovered that by the assistance of wind, or of water, the labour of these ten men may be spared, the flour which is the produce partly of the work performed by the mill, would immediately fall m value, in proportion to the quantity of labour saved; and t h e s o c i e t y w o u l d b e r i c h e r b y t h e c o m m o d i t i e s w h i c h t h e l a b o u r o f t h e t e n m e n c o u l d p r o d u c e , t h e f u n d s d e s t i n e d f o r t h e i r m a i n t e n a n c e b e i n g i n n o d e g r e e i m p a i r e d." (p. 336.)

556 "though Adam Smith, who defined riches to consist in the abundance of necessaries, convenience and enjoyments of human life, would have allowed that m a c h i n e s a n d n a t ur a l a g e n t s might very greatly add to the riches of a country, he would not have allowed that they a d d a n y t h i n g t o t h e v a l u e o f t h o s e r i c h e s." (ibidem p. 335, note.)

557) "It is more incumbent on me to declare my opinions on this question" {viz. "the influence of machinery on the interest of the different classes of society"}, "because they have on further reflection, undergone a considerable change; and although I am not aware that I have ever published any thing respecting machinery which it is necessary for me to retract, yet I have in other ways" (...) "given my support to doctrines which I now think erroneous; it, therefore, becomes a duty in me to submit my present views to examination, with my reasons for entertaining them." (p. 466.)

557 "Ever since I first turned my attention to questions of political economy, I have been of opinion, that such an application of machinery to any branch of production, as should have the effect of saving labour, was a general good, accompamed only with that portion of inconvenience which in most cases attends the removal of capital and labour from one

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employment to another." (...) "It appeared to me, that provided the landlords had the same money rents, they would be benefited by the reduction in the prices of some of the commodities on which those rents were expended, and which reduction of price could not fail to be the consequence of the employment of machinery. The capitalist, I thought, was eventually benefited precisely in the same manner. He, indeed, who made the discovery of the machine, or who first applied it, would enjoy an additional advantage by making great profits for a time; but, in proportion as the machine came into general use, the price of the commodity produced, would, from the effects of competition, sink to its cost of production, when the capitalist would get the same money profits as before, and he would only participate in the general advantage, ¦¦737¦ as a consumer, by being enabled, with the same money revenue, to command an additional quantity for comforts and enjoyments. T h e c l a s s o f l a b o u r e r s a ls o, I thought, w a s e q u a l l y b e n e f i t e d b y t h e u s e o f m a c h i n e r y as they would have the means of buying more commodities with the same money wages, and I thought that n o r e d u c t i o n o f w a g e s w o u l d t a k e p l a c e, b e c a u s e t h e c a p i t a l i s t w o u l d h a v e t h e p o w e r o f d e m a n d i n g a n d e m p l o y i n g t h e s a m e q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r a s b e f o r e, although he might be under the necessity of employing it in the production of a new, or at any rate of a different commodity. If, by improved machinery, with the employment of the same quantity of labour, the quantity of stockings could be quadrupled, and the demand for stockings were only doubled, some labourers would necessanly be discharged ,. from the stocking trade; but a s t h e c a p i t a l w h i c h e m p l o y e d t h e m w a s s t i l l i n b e i n g, a n d a s i t w a s t h e i n t e r e s t o f t h o s e w h o h a d i t t o e m p l o y i t p r o d u c t i v el y, it appeared to me that it would be employed on the production of some other commodities, useful to the Society, for which there could not fail to be a demand ... As, then, it appeared to me that t h e r e w o u l d b e t h e s a m e d e m a n d f o r l a b o u r a s b e f o r e, and that wages would not be lower, I thought that the labouring class would, equally with the other classes, participate in the advantage, from the general cheapness of commodities arising from the use of machinery. These were my opinions, and they continue unaltered, as far as regards the landlord and the capitalist; but I am convinced, that t h e s u b s t i t u t i o n o f m ac h i n e r y f o r h u m a n l a b o u r, i s o f t e n v e r y i n j u r i o u s t o t h e c l a s s o f l a b o u r e r s." (p. 466-468.)

567 "My mistake arose from the supposition, that whenever the n e t i n c o m e of a Society increased, its g r o s s i n c o m e would also increase; I now, however, see reason to be satisfied that t h e o n e f u n d, f r o m w h i c h l a n d l o r d s a n d c a p i t a l i s t s d e r i v e t h e i r r e v e n u e, m a y i n c r e a s e, while the other, t h a t u p o n w h i c h t h e l a b o u r i n g c l a s s m a i n l y d e p e n d, m a y d i m i n i s h, and therefore it follows, if I am right, that the same c a u s e which may increase the net revenue of the country, may at the same time r e n d e r t h e p o p u l a t i o n r e d u nd a n t, and deteriorate the condition of the labourer." (p. 469.)

568 "A capitalist we will suppose employs a capital of the value of 20 000 l. and that he carries on the joint business of a farmer, and a manufacturer of necessaries. We will further suppose, that 7000 l. of this capital is invested in fixed capital, viz. in buildings, implements, etc., and that the remaming 13000 l. is employed as circulating capital in the support of labour. Let us suppose, too, that profits are 10 p.c., and consequently that the capitalist's capital is every year put into its original state of efficiency, and yields a profit of 2000 l.

Each year the capitalist begins bis operations, by having food and necessaries in his possession of the value of 13000 l., all of which he sells in the course of the year to his own workmen for that sum of money, and, during the same period, he pays them the like amount of money for wages; a t t h e e n d y e a r they replace in his possession food and

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and necessaries of the value of 15 000 l., 2000 l. of which he consumes himself, or disposes of as may best suit his pleasure and gratification." {...} "As far as these products are concerned, the g r o s s p r o d u c e for that year is 15 000 l., and the net produce 2000 l. Suppose now, that the following year the capitalist employs half his men in constructing a machine, and the other half in producmg food and necessaries as usual. During that year he would pay the sum of 13 000 l. in wages as usual, and would sell food and necessaries to the same amount to his workmen; but what would be the case the following year?

While the machine was being made, only one-half of the usual quantity of food and necessaries would be obtained, and they would be only one-half the value of the quantity which was produced before. The machine would be worth 7500 l. and the food and necessaries 7500 l., and, therefore, the capital of the capitalist would be as great as before; for he would have besided these two values, his fixed capital worth 7000l., making in the whole 20 000 l. capital, and 2000 l. profit. After deducting this latter sum for his own expenses, he would have a no greater circulating capital than 5500 l. with which to carry on his subsequent operations; and, therefore, his means of employing labour, would be reduced in the proportion of 13000l. to 5500l., and, consequently, a l l t h e l a b o u r w h i c h w a s b ef o r e e m p l o y e d b y 7 5 0 0 l., w o u l d b ec o m e r e d u n d a n t." (p. 469-471.)

570 "The reduced quantity of labour which the capitalist can employ, must, indeed, with the assistance of the machine, and after deductions for its repairs, produce a value equal to 7500 l., it must replace the circulating capital with a profit of 2000 l. on the whole capital; but if this be done, ¦¦743¦ if the net income be not diminished, of what importance is it to the capitalist, whether the gross income be of the value of 3000 l., of 10 000 l., or of 15 000 l.?" (...) "In this case, then, although the net produce will not be diminished in value, although its power of purchasmg commodities may be greatly increased, the gross produce will have fallen from a value of 15 000 l. to a value of 7500 l., and as t h e p o w e r of s u p p o r t i n g a p o p ul a t i o n, and employing l a b o u r, d e p e n d s a lw a y s o n t h e gross p r o d u c e o f a n a t i o n, a n d n o t o n i t s n e t p r o d u c e." {... "Adam Smith constantly magnifies the advantages which a country derives from a large gross rather than a large net income." (p.415.)) "there will n e c e s s a r i l y b e a d i m i n u t i o n i n t h e d e m a n d f o r l a b o u r, p o p u l a t i o n w i l l b e c o m e r e d u n d a n t, and the Situation of the labouring classes will be that of distress and poverty." (... p.471.l "As, however, the p o w e r o f s a v i n g f r o m r e v e n u e t o a d d t o c a p i t a l, m u s t d e p e n d o n t h e e f f ic i e n c y o f t h e n e t r e v e n u e, to satisfy the wants of the capitalist, it c o u l d n o t f a i l t o f o l l o w f r o m t h e r e d u c t i o n i n t h e p r i c e o f c o m m o d i t i e s c o n s e q u e n t o n t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f m a c h i n e r y, that with the same wants" jbut his wants enlarge) "he would have increased means of saving, - increased facility oj transfering revenue into capital." (...) "But with every increase of capital he - would employ more labourers" (...); "and, therefore, a p o r t i o n o f t h e p e o p l e t h r o w n o u t o f w o r k i n t h e f i r s t i n s t a n c e, w o u l d b e s u b s e q u e n t l y e m p l o y e d; a n d i f t h e i n c r e a s e d p r o d u c t i o n, i n c o n s eq u e n c e o f t h e e m p l o y m e n t o f t h e m ac h i n e, w a s s o g r e a t a s t o a f f o r d, i n t h e s h a p e o f n e t p r o d u c e, a s g r e a t a q u a n t i t y o f f o o d a n d n e c e s s a r i e s a s e x i s t e d b e f o r e i n t h e f o r m o f g r o s s p r o d u c e, there would be t h e s a m e a b i l i t y t o e m p l o y t h e w h o l e p o p u l a t i o n, and, therefore, there would not n e c e s s a r i l y be a n y r e d u n d a n c y o f p e o p l e." (p. 469-472.)

572 "All I wish to prove, is, that the discovery and use of machinery may be attended with a diminution of gross produce; and whenever that is the case, it will be injurious to the labouring class, as some of their number will be thrown out of employment, and p o p u l a t i o n w i l l b e c o m e r e d u nd a n t, c o m p a r e d w i t h t h e f u n d s w h i c h a r e t o e m p l o y i t." (p. 472.)

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572 "If these views be correct, it follows, 1st. That the discovery, and useful application of machinery, a l w a y s l e a d s t o t h e i n c r e a s e of the n e t p r od u c e o f t h e c o u n t r y, although it may not, and will not, after an inconsiderable interval, increase the v a l u e o f t h a t n e t produce." (p. 474.)

572 "2dly. That the increase of the net produce of a country is compatible with a diminution of the gross produce, and that the motives for employing machinery are always sufficient to insure its employment, if it will increase the net produce, although it may, and frequently, must, diminish both the quantity of the gross produce, and its value." (p. 474.)

"3dly. That the opmion entertained by the labouring class, that the employment of machinery is frequently detrimental to their interests, is not founded on prejudice and '.' error, but is conformable to the correct principles of political economy." (p. 474.)

"4thly. That if the improved means of production, in consequence of the use of machinery, should increase the net produce of a country in a degree so great as not to diminish the gross produce, (I mean always quantity of commodities and not value,) then the Situation of all classes will be improved. The landlord and capitalist will benent, not by an increase of rent and profit, but by the advantages resulting from the expenditure of the same rent, and profits, on commodities, very considerably reduced in value" (...), "while the Situation of the labouring classes will also be considerably improved; 1st, f r o m t h e i nc r e a s e d d e m a n d f o r m e n i a l s e r v a n t s" (...); "2dly, from the Stimulus to savings from revenue, which such an abundant net produce will afford; and 3dly, from the low price of all articles of consumption on which their wages will be expended" ... (p. 474, 475.)

574 ... "that as much of the revenue as possible should be diverted from expenditure on luxuries, to be expended on menial servants." (p,476.)

575 ... "to the former demand for labourers, and this addition would take place only because I chose this mode of expending any revenue." (p. 475, 476.)

575 "Whether it" (the revenue) "was expended in the one way or in the other, there would be t h e s a m e q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r e m p l o y e d i n p r o d u c t i o n; for the food and clothing of the soldier and sailor would require the same amount of industry to produce it as the more luxurious commodities; but in the case of the war, there would be the additional demand for men as soldiers and sailors; and, consequently, a war which is supported out of the revenue, and not from the capital of a country, is favourable to the increase of population."(p. 477.)

575 "There is one other case that should be noticed of the possibility of an increase i n t h e a m o u n t o f t h e n e t r e v e n u e o f a c o u n t r y, and e v e n o f i t s g r o s s r e v e n u e, with a diminution of demand for labour, and that is, when the labour of horses is substituted for that of man. If I employed one hundred men of my farm, and if I found that the food bestowed on fifty of those men, could be diverted to the Support of horses, and afford me a greater return for raw produce, after allowmg for the mterest of the capital which the purchase of the horses would absorb, it would be advantageous to me to substitute the horses for the men, and I should accordingly do so; but this would not be for the interest of the men, and unless the income I obtained, was so much increased as to enable me to employ the men as well as the horses, i t i s e v i d e n t t h a t t h e p o p u l a t i o n W o u l d b e c o m e r e d u n d a n t, and the labourer's condition would sink in the general scale. It is evident he could not, under any circumstances, be employed in agriculture" (why not? if the field of agriculture was

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enlarged?); "but if the produce of the land were increased by the Substitution of horses for men, he might be employed in manufactures, or as a menial servant." (p.477, 478.)

576 "I have before observed, too, that t h e i n c r e a s e o f n e t i n c o m e s, e s t i m a t e d i n c o m m od i t i e s, w h i c h i s a l w a y s t h e c o n s eq u e n c e o f i m p r o v e d m a c h i n e r y, will lead to new savings and accumu-lations. T h e s e s a v i n g s, it must be remembered, are a n n u a l, and must soon create a f u n d, m u c h g r e a t e r t h a n t h e g r o s s r e v e n u e, o r i g i n a l l y l o s t b y t h e d i sc o v e r y o f t h e m a c h i n e r y, when the demand for labour will be as great as before, and the Situation of the people will be still further imprived by the increased savings which the increased net revenue will still enable them to make." (p. 480.)

576 "With every increase of capital and population, food will generally rise, on account of its being more difficult to produce." (p. 478, 479.)

576 "The consequence of a rise of food will be a rise of wages, and every rise of wages will have a tendency to determine t h e s a v e d c a p i t a l i n a g r e a t e r P r o p o r ti o n t h a n b e f o r e t o t h e e m p l o y m e n t o f m a c h i n e r y. M a c h i n e r y a n d l a b o u r a r e i n c o n s t a n t c o m p e t i t i o n, a n d t h e f a r m e r c a n f r e q u e n t l y n o t b e e mp l o y e d u n t i l l a b o u r r i s e s." (p. 479.)

577 "To elucidate the principle, I have been supposing, that improved machinery is s u d d e n l y discovered, and extensively used; but the truth is, that these discoveries are gradual, and rather operate in d e t e r m i n i n g t h e e m p l o ym e n t o f t h e c a p i t a l w h i c h i s s a v e d a n d a c c u mu l a t e d, t h a n i n d i v e r t i n g c a p i t a l f r o m i t s a c t u a l e m p l o y m e n t." (p. 478.)

577 "In America and many other countries, where the food of man is easily provided, there is not nearly so great temptation to employ machinery" (...) "as in England, where food is high, and costs much labour for its production." [p. 479.]

577 "'Man is a machine-making animal' ... if we consider the American as a representative man, the definition is ... perfect. It is one of the cardinal points of an American's System to do nothing with his hands that he can do by a machine. From rocking a cradle to making a coffin, from milking a cow to cleaning a forest, from sewing on a button to voting for President, almost, he has a machine for everything. He has invented a machine for saving the trouble of masticating food ... T h e e xc e e d i n g s c a r c i t y o f l a b o u r and its consequent high value" (despite the low value of foodl, "as well as a certain innate cutenes, have stimulated this inventive spirit... The machines produced in America are, generally speaking, inferior in value to those made in England ... they are rather, as a wholes, m a k e s h i f t s t o s a v e l a b o u r than inventions to accomplish former impossibilities." (...) ...

"in the United States departement der Exhibition is E m e r y' s c o t t o n g i n. For many a year after the introduction of cotton to America the crop was very small; because not only was the demand rather limited, but the difficulty of cleanmg the crop by manual labour rendered it anything but remunerative. When Eli Whitney, however, invented the saw ¦¦747¦ cotton-gin there w a s a n i m m e d i a t e i n c r e a s e i n t h e b r e a d t h p l a n t e d, and that increase has up to the present time gone on almost in an arithmetical 1*) progression.

In fact, it is not too much to say that Whitney made the cotton trade. With modifications more or less important and useful his gin has remained in use ever since; and until the invention of the present improvement and addition Whitney's original gin was quite as good as the most of its would-be supplanters. By the present machine, which bears the name of Messrs. Emery, of Albany, N.Y., we have no doubt that W[hitnes']s gin, on which it is based, will be quite supplanted. It is as simple and more efficacious; it delivers

_____

1*) In der Handschrift: a geometrical

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the cotton not only cleaner, but in sheets like wadding, and thus the layers as they leave the machine are at once fit for the cotton press and the bale. In American Court proper there is little else than machinery. T h e c o w - m i l k e r ... a b e l t - s h i f t e r ... a h e m p c a r d i n g a n d s p i n n i n g m a c h i n e, which at one Operation reels the cliver direct from the bale... A machine f o r t h e m a n u f a c t u r e o f p a p e r - b a g s, which is cuts from the sheet, pastes, folds, and perfects at the rate of 300 a minute ... Hawes's c l o t h e s - w r i n g e r, which by two indiarubber roilers presses from clothes the water, leaving them almost dry, saves time, but does not injure the texture ...

b o o k b i n d e r' s m a c h i n e r y ... m a c h i n e s f o r m a k i n g s h o e s. It is well known that the uppers have been for a long time made up by machinery in this country, but here are machines for putting on the sole, others for cutting the sole to shape, and others again for trimming the heels ... A s t o n e b r e a k i n g m a c h i n e is very powerful und ingenious, and no doubt will come extensively into use for ballastring roads and crushing ores ... A s y s t e m o f m a r i n e s i g n a l s by Mr. W.H. Ward of Auburn, New York ... R e a p i n g a n d m o w i n g m a c h i n e s are an American invention coming mto very general favour in England.

M'Cormick's the best ... Hansbrow's California Prize Medal F o r c e - P u m p, is in simplicity and efficiency the best min the Exhibition ... it will throw more water with the same power than any pump in the world ... Sewing machines ..." ["The Standard", 19. September 1862.]

578 "The same cause that raises labour, does not raise the value of machines, and, therefore, w i t h e v e r y a u g m e nt a t i o n o f c a p i t a l, a g r e a t e r p r o p o rt i o n o f i t i s e m p l o y e d o n m a c h i n e r y.

T h e d e m a n d f o r l a b o u r w i l l c o n t i n u e t o i n c r e a s e w i t h a n i n c r e a s e o f c a p i t a l, b u t n o t i n P r o p o r t i o n t o i t s i n c r e a s e; t h e r a t i o w i l l n e c e ss a r i l y b e a d i m i n i s h i n g r a t i o." ([Ricardo, "On the principles of political economy..." London 1821,]p. 479.)

579 "In both cases the net revenue would be the same, and so would be the gross revenue, but the f a r m e r w o u l d b e r e a l i s e d i n d i f f e r e n t c o m m o d i t i e s." (p. 476.)

579 "The demand for labour depends on t h e i n c r e a s e o f c i r c u l a t i n g, a n d n o t o f f i x e d c ap i t a l. Were it true t h a t t h e P r o p o r t i o n b e t w e e n t h e s e t w o s o r t s o f c a p i t a l i s t h e s a m e a t a l l t i m e s, a n d i n a l l c o u n t r i e s, t h e n, indeed, it follows that the n u mb e r o f l a b o u r e r s e m p l o y e d i s i n P r o p o r t i o n t o t h e w e a l t h o f t h e S t a t e. But such a Position has not the semblance of probability. As arts are cultivated, and civilization is extended, f i x e d c a p i t a l b e a r s a l a r g e r a n d l a r g e r p r o p o r t i o n t o c i r c u l a t i n g c a p i t a l. The amount of fixed capital employed in the production of a piece of British muslin is at least a hundred, probably a thousand times greater than that employed in the production of a similar piece of Indian muslin. And the ¦¦748¦ proportion of circulating capital employed is a hundred or a thousand times less. It is easy to conceive that, under certain circumstances, the whole of the annual savmgs of an industnous people might be added to fixed capital, m which case they would have no effect in increasing the demand for labour." ([Barton, "Observations on the circumstances which influence to condition of the labouring classes of Society", London 1817] p. 16, 17.)

580 "It is not easy, I think, to conceive that under any circumstances, an increase of capital snould not be followed by an increased demand for labour; the most tkat can be said is, that the d e m a n d w i l l b e i n a d i m i n i s h i n g r a t i o. Mr. Barton, in the above publication, has, I think, taken a c o r r e c t v i e w of some of the effects of an increasing amount of fixed capital on the condition of the labouring classes. His Essay contains much valuable Information." [Ricardo "On the principles of political economy, ..." London 1821, p. 480, note.]

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580 "Fixed capital when once formed, ceases to affect the demand for labour" (...), "but during its formation it gives employment to just as many hands as an equal amount would employ, either of circulating capital, or of revenue." ([Barton, l.c.] p. 56.)

580 "The demand for labour absolutely depends on the joint amount of revenue and circulating capital." (p. 34, 35.)

584 "Das V e r h ä l t n i s, w e l c h e s d i e w a g e s o f l a b o u r a t a n y g i v e n t i m e b e a r t o t h e w h o l e p r o d u c e o f l a b o u r, bestimmt die appropriation of capital in one" (fixed) "or the other" (circulating) "way." (p. 17.)

584 "Fällt der Arbeitslohn, während der Preis der Waren stationär bleibt, oder steigt der Warenpreis, während der Arbeitslohn derselbe bleibt, so wächst der profit des employer und he is induced to hire more hands. Steigen dagegen wages im Verhältnis zu Waren, so hält der manufacturer so wenig hands als möglich und sucht alles durch Maschinerie zu machen." (p. 17, 18.)

584 "We have good evidence that population advanced much more slowly under a gradual rise of wages während dem earher part des letzten Century, als während des latter part desselben Century while the real price of labour feil rapidly." (p. 25.)

584 "A rise of wages, of itself, then, never increases the labouring population; - a fall of wages kann sie sehr schnell wachsen machen. Zum Beispiel der Engländer sinke in seinen Forderungen zum Irländer. So wird der Fabrikant mehr anwenden in proportion to the diminished expense of maintenance." (l.c.p. 26.)

584 "It is t h e d i f f i c u l t y o f f i n d i n g e m p l o y m e n t, much more t h a n t h e i n s u ff i c i e n c y o f t h e r a t e o f w a g e s, which discourages marriage." (p. 27.)

584 "It is admitted that every increase of wealth has the tendency to create a fresh demand for labour; aber da labour, von allen Waren die größte Zeitlänge zu ihrer Produktion erheischt" ..., "so, of all commodities, it ¦¦751¦ is the most raised by a given increase of demand; und da jedes rise of wages a ten-fold reduction of profits produces; so klar, daß die V e r m e hr u n g d e s K a p i t a l s n u r l a n g s a m wirken kann i n a d d i n g t o t h e e f f e c t u a l d em a n d for labour, u n l e s s p r e c e d e d b y s u c h a n i n c r e a s e o f p o p u l a t i o n a s s h a l l h a v e t h e e f f e c t of k e e p i n g d o w n t h e r a t e o f w a g e s." (p. 28.)

586 "Das folgende Statement zeigt" (...) "what proportion the w a g e s o f h u s b a n d r y have ben to the price of corn während der letzten 70 Jahre.

Periods Weekly Pay Wheat per qr. Wages in pints of wheat

1742-1752 6 sh. 0 d. 30 sh. 0 d. 102 1761-1770 7 0 42 6 90

1780-1790 8 0 51 2 80

1795-1799 9 0 70 8 65 1800-1808 11 0 86 8 60" (p. 25, 26.)

587 "Aus einer Tafel der Bills Zahl for the inclosing of land passed in each Session since the Revolution, gegeben in the Lords' Report on the Poor Laws" (1816?), "sieht man, daß in den 66 Jahren von 1688-1754 123 bills, in den 69 Jahren von 17541813 dagegen 3315. The progress of cultivation ungefähr 25 X rascher während der letztren Periode als

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während der früheren. Aber in den ersten 66 Jahren more and more corn was grown continually for exportation; während in dem greater part der letzten 69 Jahre alles konsumiert, was früher exportiert, aber zugleich importiert an increasing und zuletzt a very large quantity, für unsre eigne Konsumtion ... Das Wachstum der Bevölkerung in der 1t Periode verglichen mit der letztren also noch langsamer, als der progress of cultivation might appear to indicate." (p. 11, 12.)

587 ..., "1750 die Zahl der Einwohner 5 946 000, making an increase seit der Revolution von 446 000, oder 7 200 per annum..." (p. 14.)

587 "Nach der lowest estimate, then dann der progress of population 10 x rascher of late years as a Century ago. Aber unmöglich zu glauben, daß die Akkumulation des Kapitals zehnmal größer." (p. 14.)

Beilagen

591 "Corn is scarce or not scarce in proportion to the consumption of it. If there are m o r e m o u t h s, there will be m o r e c o r n, because there will be m o r e h a n d s to till the earth;and if there is m o r e c o r n, there will be more mouths, because p l e n t y will bring p e o p l e..." (p. 125 [John Arbuthnot] "An Inquiry into the Connection between the present Price of Provisions, and the Size of Farms etc. By a Farmer," Lond. 1773.)

591 ... "the culture of earth cannot be over-done." (p. 62.)

591 "If the p r i c e o f c o r n is nearly what it ought to be, which can only be determined by the Proportion that the v a l u e o f l a n d bears to the v a l u e o f m o n e y." (l.c.p. 132.)

592 "The o l d method of calculating the p r o f i t s of the farmer by the t h r e e r e n t s" (Metairiesystem). "I n t h e i n f a n c y o f a g r i c u l t u r e, it was a conscientious and equal partition of pro-perty; such as is now practised in the less enlightened parts of the world ... the one finds land and Capital, the other knowledge and labour; but on a well-cultivated and good soil, the rent is now the least object: it is the s u m w h i c h a m a n c a n s i n k i n s t o c k, and in t h e a n n u a l e x p e n s e o f h i s l a b o u r, on which he is to reckon the interest of his money, or income." (p. 34.)

593 "The l a n d e d and t r a d i n g i n t e r e s t s are eternally jarring, and jealous of each other's advantages." (p. 22, note [Nathaniel Forster] "An Enquiry into the Causes of the Present High Price of Provisions etc.," London 1767.)

594 "When the ... producers were both agriculturists and manufacturers, the land-owner received, as r e n t o f l a n d, a value of 10 l. Suppose this rent to have been paid 1/2 in raw produce, and the other 1/2 in manufacturers; - on the d i v i s i o n of the producers into the two classes of agriculturists and manufacturers" ... "In practive, however, it would be found more convenient for the cultivators of the land, t o p a y t h e r e n t, and to charge it on their produce, when exchanging it agamst the produce of the labour of the manufacturers; so as to divide the payment into two equitable proportions between the two classes, and to leave wages and profits equal in each department." (p. 26, Th. Hopkins, "Enquiries relative to the Laws which regulate Rent, Profit etc.", London 1822.)

595 "It will be observed that we consider the owner and farmer always as o n e a n d t h e s a m e p e r s o n... Such it is in the United States." (p. 97, H.C. Carey, "The Fast, The Present and the Future", Philadelphia 1848.)

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595 "Man is always going from a poor soil to better, and then returning on his footsteps to the original poor one, and turning up the marl or the lime; and so on, in continued succession ... and at each Step in this course, he is making a better machine." (p. 128, 129.) "Capital may be invested in agriculture with m o r e advantage than in e n g i n e s, because the last are o n l y o f e q u a l, whereas the other is of s u p e r i o r, power." (I.e.) "Der gain von einer steam-engine is the wages of labour" (die wool in cloth verwandelt etc.), "m i n u s the loss by deterioration of the machine. Labour applied to fashioning the earth produces wages + the gain by improvement of the machine." (l.c.) ... "a piece of land that yields l. 100 per annum..." (p. 130.) "The buyer of the first knows that it will pay him wages and interest + the increase of its value by use. The buyer of the other knows it will give him wages and interest, minus the diminution in its value by use. The one buys a machine that improves by use. The other, one that detenorates with use ... The one is a machine upon which new capital and labour may be expended with constantly increasing return; while upon the other no such expenditure can be made." (p. 131.)

596 ... "to i n c r e a s e r e n t u l t i m a t e l y.

T h e i n c r e a s e d c a p i t a l, which is employed in consequence of the opportunity of making great temporary profits c a n s e l d o m o r e v e r b e e n t i r e l y r em o v e d f r o m t h e l a n d, a t t h e e x p ir a t i o n o f t h e c u r r e n t l e a s e s; and, on t h e r e n e w a l o f t h e s e l e a s e s, the landlord feels the benefit of it in t h e i n c r e a s e o f h i s r e n t s." (Malthas, "Inquiry into the Nature and Progress of Rent etc.", London 1815, [p. 26].)

596 "If, until the prevalence of the late high prices, arable land in general bore but l i t t l e r e n t, chiefly by reason of the a c k n o w l e d g e d n e c e s s i t y o f f r e q u e n t f o l l o w s; the rents must be again reduced, to admit of a return to the same System." (p. 72, J.D. Hume, "Thoughts on the Corn-Laws etc.", London 1815.)

597 "A diminishing surface suffices to supply man with food as population multiplies." (p. 69, "The Natural and Artificial Right of Property contrasted etc.", by Hodgskin (anonym), Land. 1832.)

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Anmerkungen

1 Nach der Fertigstellung des umfangreichen Kapitels "Theorien über produktive und unproduktive Arbeit" und nach der Niederschrift weiterer drei Kapitel, die ihrem Charakter nach Ergänzungen zum Abschnitt über die Physiokraten darstellen (über Necker, über Quesnays "Tableau Économique" und über Linguet), hätte Marx seinem Plan entsprechend mit dem Abschnitt über Ricardo beginnen müssen. Marx begann jedoch zunächst mit der Niederschrift des Kapitels über Bray. Offensichtlich geschah dies im Zusammenhang damit, daß er im Kapitel über Linguet auf die "paar sozialistischen Schriftsteller" hingewiesen hatte, auf die er "in dieser Rundschau zu sprechen kommen werde". (Siehe I. Teil dieses Bandes, S. 320.) Dementsprechend strich Marx in dem Entwurf des Inhaltsverzeichnisses auf dem Umschlag des Heftes X in der Überschrift des Kapitels "f)" den ursprünglich geschriebenen Namen "Ricardo" aus und setzte dafür "Bray" ein. (Siehe ebenda, S. 4.) Jedoch blieb das Kapitel über Bray unvollendet. In der Folge beschloß Marx, die Analyse der Ansichten Brays in das Kapitel "Gegensatz gegen die Ökonomen" zu verlegen (siehe ebenda, Vorwort, S. XXII).

Als Marx das Kapitel über Bray zu schreiben begann, beabsichtigte er, den Abschnitt über "Ricardo" mit dem nächsten Kapitel, dem Kapitel "g)" zu eröffnen. Aber auch diesmal strich Marx in der Überschrift den Namen "Ricardo" durch. Als Kapitel "g)" entstand "Herr Rodbertus. Abschweifung. Neue Theorie der Grundrente".

Das Kapitel über Rodbertus begann Marx im Juni 1862. Ferdinand Lassalle hatte Marx in einem Brief vom 9. Juni 1862 gemahnt: "Auch die Bücher, die ich Dir mitgab (Rodbertus, Röscher etc.), mußt Du mir ... A n f a n g Oktober zuschicken..." (Aus dem literarischen Nachlaß von Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels und Ferdinand Lassalle. Herausgegeben von Franz Mehring. Vierter Band, Stuttgart 1902, S. 355.) Das war für Marx offensichtlich der äußere Anlaß, sofort die Arbeit am Kapitel über Rodbertus aufzunehmen.

Aber es gab auch ernste innere Beweggründe, aus denen sich die Notwendigkeit ergab, vor allen Dingen Rodbertus' Theorie von der Grundrente einer kritischen Analyse zu unterziehen.

Wie aus den Briefen von Marx (vgl. Band 30 unserer Ausgabe, S. 263-268, 274-275 und 626-628) ersichtlich ist, sah er bereits zu dieser Zeit in der Negierung der absoluten Rente einen der Hauptmängel der Rententheorie Ricardos. Mit dem Versuch, diesen Begriff zu entwickeln, war Rodbertus mit seinem dritten "Socialen Brief an von Kirchmann" aufgetreten. Bevor Marx an die umfassende Untersuchung der Ricardoschen Rententheorie heranging, unterzog er in der vorliegenden "Abschweifung" diesen Versuch Rodbertus' einer ausführlichen kritischen Analyse. 7

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2 Karl Marx, "Misère de la Philosophie..." (§ 4 des zweiten Kapitels "Das Grundeigentum oder die Rente"). (Siehe Band 4 unserer Ausgabe, S. 165-175.) 12

3 Unter R o h m a t e r i a l versteht Marx an dieser Stelle einen solchen Arbeitsgegenstand, der keine durch Arbeit vermittelte Veränderung erfahren hat, sondern von der Natur gegeben ist. In allen anderen Fällen gebraucht Marx in seinem Manuskript von 1861-1863 den Terminus "Rohmaterial" in der Bedeutung, wie er ihn im ersten Band des "Kapitals", 5. Kapitel, formuliert hat, d.h. als einen Arbeitsgegenstand, der "selbst schon Arbeitsprodukt ist" (siehe Band 23 unserer Ausgabe, S. 196). "Rohmaterial ist der Arbeitsgegenstand nur, sobald er bereits eine durch Arbeit vermittelte Veränderung erfahren hat" (ebenda, S. 193). 15

4 Im Heft IV seines Manuskripts von 1861-1863 (Seite 149 ff.) bezeichnet Marx als e r s t e T e i l u n g d e r A r b e i t die Teilung der Arbeit innerhalb der Gesellschaft zwischen den voneinander unabhängigen Warenproduzenten und als z w e i t e T e i l u n g d e r A r b e i t die Teilung der Arbeit innerhalb einer Manufaktur". (Vgl. Band 23 unserer Ausgabe, S. 371380.) 17

5 Banfield, "The organization of industry...", 2. Auflage, London 1848, S. 40 und 42. Die erste Auflage erschien 1845 in London. 18

6 Marx verwendet hier D u r c h s c h n i t t s p r e i s im Sinne von "Produktionspreis", d.h. Produktionskosten (c + v) plus Durchschnittsprofit. Der Terminus "Durchschnittspreis" weist darauf hin, daß es sich hier "um den Durchschnittsmarktpreis während einer längeren Periode oder um das Zentrum, um welches der Marktpreis gravitiert", handelt (siehe vorl. Band, S. 310). Bei Marx begegnen wir diesem Terminus zum ersten Male im Kapitel "A. Smith" (siehe 1. Teil dieses Bandes, S. 67). 19

7 Die Begriffe P r o d u k t i o n s p e r i o d e (im Sinne der Periode, die außer der Arbeitszeit auch die Zeit umfaßt, in deren Verlauf der Arbeitsgegenstand der Einwirkung von bloß natürlichen Prozessen unterworfen ist) und A r b e i t s p e r io d e (Arbeitszeit) hat Marx im zweiten Band des "Kapitals", 13. Kapitel: "Die Produktionszeit" ausführlich entwickelt (siehe Band 24 unserer Ausgabe, S. 241-249). Über den Unterschied zwischen Produktions- und Arbeitszeit in der Landwirtschaft siehe auch "Grundrisse der Kritik der politischen Ökonomie", Berlin 1953, S. 560-562. 22

8 Diese Charakteristik der Kapitalisten als befeindete Konkurrenten und zugleich auch als "Mitbrüder" begründete Marx im dritten Band des "Kapitals". Er schrieb in Verbindung mit der Untersuchung der Ausgleichung der Profitraten, bei der "jeder einzelne Kapitalist, wie die Gesamtheit aller Kapitalisten jeder besondern Produktionssphäre, in der Exploitation der Gesamtarbeiterklasse durch das Gesamtkapital und in dem Grad dieser Exploitation ... beteiligt ist": "Man hat also hier den mathematisch exakten Nachweis, warum die Kapitalisten, sosehr sie in ihrer Konkurrenz untereinander sich als falsche Brüder bewähren, doch einen wahren Freimaurerbund bilden gegenüber der Gesamtheit der Arbeiterklasse." (Siehe Band 25 unserer Ausgabe, S. 207 und 208.) 23

9 Stirling, "The philosophy of trade; or, outlines of a theory of profits and prices...", Edinburgh 1846, S. 209-210. 27

10 Opdyke, "A treatise on political economy", New York 1851, S. 60. 28

11 Francis William Newman, "Lectures on political economy", London 1851. Newman schreibt auf S. 155 seines Buches: "...looking to the majority of those farmers who are not indigent and who must certainly be called capitalists, we must judge that the love

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of a country life makes them (on a permanent average) satisfied with l e s s gain than might have been expected in other businesses from the same capital." (... wenn man die Mehrheit jener Pächter betrachtet, die nicht arm sind und die man gewiß als Kapitalisten ansehen muß, müssen wir darauf schließen, daß die Liebe zum Landleben sie veranlaßt (im ständigen Durchschnitt), sich mit einem g e r i n g e r e n Gewinn zu begnügen, als sie in anderen Geschäften von dem gleichen Kapital erwarten könnten.) 32 12 In der Handschrift folgt hier ein Beispiel mit einem Baumwollbauer, einem Spinner und einem Weber. Vom Profit, den jeder einzelne von ihnen erhält, geht Marx über zur Betrachtung der Größe des Profits unter der Voraussetzung, daß der Weber zugleich Spinner und Baumwollbauer ist. Marx unterbrach jedoch das begonnene Konzept, strich es durch und gab danach die im Text angeführte präzisierte Formulierung seines Gedankens. 42

13 Mit "Kapitel III" bzw. "Abschnitt III" meint Marx den dritten Teil seiner Untersuchung über "Das Kapital im allgemeinen". Dieser Teil wuchs in der Folge zum dritten Band des "Kapitals" an. 43 166

14 Marx bezieht sich auf Heft XII seiner Auszüge zur politischen Ökonomie. Auf den Umschlag des Heftes schrieb Marx: "London, 1851, Juli". Die Stelle aus Thomas Hopkins' Buch "Economical enquiries relative to the laws which regulate rent, profit, wages, and the value of money" (London 1822), auf die sich Marx hier bezieht, findet sich auf Seite 14 dieses Heftes XII. Später schrieb er das Zitat von Hopkins auf den Umschlag des Heftes XIII, S. 669b seines Manuskripts von 1861-1863 (siehe vorl. Band, S. 594). 49

15 Diese Auffassung von Malthus (Malthus, "Principles of political economy", 2.Ausgabe, London 1836, S. 268) zitiert und analysiert Marx in dem Kapitel "T.R. Malthus" (siehe 3.Teil dieses Bandes, S. 31-33). 63

16 In dieses Zitat von Rodbertus trug Marx die "nötigen Abänderungen" ein, die aus dem von Rodbertus nicht beachteten Umstand entspringen, daß der Wert der Maschinen und anderer Produktionsmittel ebenso notwendig in das Produkt der Landwirtschaft eingeht wie der Wert landwirtschaftlicher Rohstoffe in das Produkt der Industrie. (Vgl. dazu auch die Zitate aus Rodbertus auf den S. 51 und 52 des vorl. Bandes.) Der Terminus "Maschinenwert" wird von Marx nicht ohne Ironie in Analogie mit dem Rodbertusschen Terminus "Materialwert" gebracht. Alle von Marx stammenden Worte werden im Text Antiqua gesperrt gebracht. 75

17 Im Manuskript folgt hier eine kurze Einfügung über das Kapital als "the legalized reflexion to others people labour" (der legalisierte Reflex der Arbeit anderer Leute), die Marx in eckige Klammern einschloß und mit dem Hinweis versah, daß sie, da sie den unmittelbaren Zusammenhang der Darlegung stört, an einer anderen Stelle zu bringen ist. Diese Einfügung wird von uns auf S. 28 des vorl. Bandes in Form einer Fußnote wiedergegeben. 90

18 In diesem Absatz, mit dem Marx die Untersuchung der Abhängigkeit der Summe der Renten (der absoluten Rente und der Differentialrente) von der relativen Fruchtbarkeit des Bodens beginnt, geht er aus von der vorläufigen Annahme, daß die Summe der Rente direkt proportional der Fruchtbarkeit des Bodens ist (wenn irgendeine Bodenklasse um ein Fünftel fruchtbarer ist als die andere, sei auch die Summe der Rente dieser Klasse um ein Fünftel größer als die Rente, die man von der weniger fruchtbaren Bodenklasse erhält). In der weiteren Untersuchung benutzt Marx diese Annahme schon nicht mehr und gibt

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eine präzisierte Formulierung der Abhängigkeit der Summe der Rente von der relativen Fruchtbarkeit des Bodens.

Wenn man entsprechend diesen folgenden Erklärungen von Marx die Summe der Renten für die Bodenklassen II, III und IV zusammenzählt und dabei von der Anzahl der Quarter ausgeht, die in diesen Klassen eingebracht und die für alle Klassen zum gleichen Preis von 1/3 l. pro Quarter verkauft werden, so erhalten wir für die Klasse II 34 l., für III 62 4/5 l. und für IV 97 9/25 l. Die Berechnung geschieht auf folgende Weise: Da Klasse II um 1/5 fruchtbarer ist als I, so bringt sie 360 + 72, d.h. 432 qrs. hervor, die zu 43 2/3 l., d.h. zu 144 l. verkauft werden. Von diesen 144 l. entfallen 110 l. auf die Produktionskosten plus den Durchschnittsprofit; für die Grundrente (absolute und Differentialrente) bleiben 34 l. Genauso erfolgt die Berechnung für die Klassen III und IV.

Die präzisierte Methode der Berechnung der Summe der Rente wendet Marx weitgehend im Kapitel XII ("Tabellen nebst Beleuchtung über die Differentialrente") an, jedoch zeigt sich diese Methode schon im vorliegenden Kapitel VIII. So wird auf S. 98, wo Marx die auf S. 92 angeführten 17 7/25 l. für die Summe der Rente von der Klasse IV wiederholt und 7 7/25 l. für die Differentialrente dieser Klasse angibt, zusammen damit der richtige Weg für die Bestimmung der Differentialrente der Klasse IV gewiesen und zwar: 207 9/25 l. - 120 l. = 87 9/25 l. Wenn zu dieser Summe 10 l., absolute Rente hinzugefügt werden, so erhält man für die Gesamtrente der Klasse IV 97 9/25 l., was völlig den nachfolgenden Schlußfolgerungen von Marx entspricht. 92

19 "Storch schreibt in seiner Arbeit "Cours d'economie politique", zweiter Band, S. 78-79, St. Petersburg 1815: "Die Rente der fruchtbarsten Bodenarten bestimmt die Rentenhöhe aller anderen Bodenarten, die mit den fruchtbarsten Bodenarten konkurrieren.

Bevor nicht die Erzeugnisse der fruchtbarsten Bodenarten zur Befriedigung der Nachfrage ausreichen, können die weniger fruchtbaren Bodenarten, die mit den fruchtbarsten konkurrieren, nicht bearbeitet werden oder mindestens keine Rente ergeben. Aber da erst die Nachfrage die Menge des Produkts zu übersteigen beginnt, die die fruchtbaren Bodenarten liefern können, erhöht sich der Preis des Produkts, und es wird möglich, die weniger fruchtbaren Bodenarten zu bearbeiten und von ihnen Rente zu erhalten." Über diese Ansicht Storchs spricht Marx auch im dritten Band des "Kapitals" (siehe Band 25 unserer Ausgabe, S. 193 und 671). 93

20 Marx schreibt in einer Fußnote zum dritten Band des "Kapitals", daß beide, sowohl Ricardo wie auch Storch, in der Frage des Marktwertes der landwirtschaftlichen Produkte "recht haben und beide unrecht, und daß ebenso beide den mittlern Fall ganz außer acht gelassen haben". (Siehe Band 25 unserer Ausgabe, S. 193.) 96

21 Die Steigerung in der Höhe der Rente ist nur scheinbar in dem Sinne, daß sie auf einem "falschen sozialen Wert" begründet ist. Darüber schreibt Marx ausführlich im dritten Band des "Kapitals" (siehe Band 25 unserer Ausgabe, S. 673). 101

22) Im Manuskript befindet sich dieser von Marx in Klammern gesetzte Passus zwei Absätze tiefer (auf derselben Seite 494) in einem kleinen historischen Exkurs über die Ansichten von Petty und D'Avenant über die Veränderlichkeit der Höhe der Grundrente. Seinem Inhalt nach schließt sich der in Klammern gesetzte Passus an die vorhergehende Betrachtung von Marx über das Verhältnis zwischen der Produktion der Agrikultur und der Produktion der Industrie an. 105

23 [Anderson,] "An enquiry into the nature of the corn laws, with view to the bill proposed for Scotland", Edinburgh 1777. 107

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24 Britisches Museum - das 1753 gegründete Nationalmuseum in London. Seinen wichtigsten Teil bildet die Bibliothek, die eine der größten in der Welt ist. In der Bibliothek des Britischen Museums arbeiteten Marx und Engels. W.I. Lenin besuchte diese Bibliothek im Mai/Juni 1908. 107

25 Das 1786 in London anonym erschienene Buch von Joseph Townsend, "A dissertation on the poor laws...", zitierte Marx im Heft III seines Manuskripts (Seite 112, 113) im Abschnitt "Absoluter Mehrwert". Alle drei dort angeführten Zitate bringt Marx auch im ersten Band des "Kapitals" (siehe Band 23 unserer Ausgabe, S. 676). 108

26 Hinweis auf das Korngesetz von 1815, das die Einfuhr von Getreide nach England verbot, solange der Getreidepreis in England unter 80 sh. pro Quarter blieb. 112

27 Marx spielt hier auf den Leipziger Universitätsprofessor Roscher an. 113

28 Im Manuskript folgt hier eine kurze Einfügung, die auf S. 113 als Fußnote wiedergegeben wird. 114

29 Marx nennt Roscher ironisch Wilhelm Thukydides Roscher, weil dieser in der Vorrede zur ersten Auflage seines Buches "Die Grundlagen der Nationalökonomie", wie Marx sagt, "sich bescheidnerweise als Thukydides der politischen Ökonomie angekündigt hat". (Vgl. 3. Teil dieses Bandes, S. 492/493.) 115

30 Marx bezieht sich auf die 1815 in London anonym erschienene Schrift Edward Wests, "Essay on the application of capital to land..." sowie auf die im gleichen Jahr in London herausgegebene Arbeit von David Ricardo "An essay on the influence of a low price of corn on the profits of stock...". 117

31 Hopkins, "Economical enquiries relative to the laws which regulate rent, profit, wages, and the value of money", London 1822, S. 37, 38. Die entsprechende Stelle aus diesem Buch führt Marx weiter unten an (siehe vorl. Band, S. 135). 119

32 Marx kehrt im weiteren Text der "Theorien über den Mehrwert" nicht mehr zur Analyse dieser Ansichten Roschers zurück. Doch kritisiert Marx im 3. Teil der "Theorien", im Kapitel "Auflösung der Ricardoschen Schule", ausführlich die analogen vulgären Ansichten McCullochs, die ebenso wie die Ansichten Roschers unter dem starken Einfluß der apologetischen Konzeption der "produktiven Dienste" standen, die Jean-Baptiste Say hervorgehoben hatte und über die Marx im nächsten Abschnitt spricht. Im ersten Band des "Kapitals" berührt Marx die Ansicht Roschers über die Natur als eine der Quellen des Werts in der Anmerkung 22 zum sechsten Kapitel (siehe Band 23 unserer Ausgabe, S. 220, 221).

Siehe auch den dritten Band des "Kapitals" (Band 25 unserer Ausgabe, S. 834). 125

33 Über die enclosures (Einhegungen) des Gemeindelands in England spricht Marx im ersten Band des "Kapitals" (siehe Band 23 unserer Ausgabe, S. 752-756). 139

34 Gemeint ist die Malthussche Bevölkerungstheorie. 140

35 James Anderson zitiert hier das Buch des Italieners Camillo Tarello da Lonato "Ricordo d'Agricoltura". Von diesem Buche sind 12 Auflagen nachgewiesen: Venedig 1567, 1609, 1704 und 1722; Mantua 1577, 1585, 1622, 1735; Treviso 1601, 1731; Bergamo 1736, Mailand 1816. Anderson bezieht sich auf die erste in Mantua erschienene Ausgabe und zitiert nach der französischen Übersetzung dieser Schrift, herausgegeben von der Société economique in Bern. 140

36 J. Mill, "Elements of political economy", London 1821, S. 198. 148

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37 Im ersten Band des "Kapitals" schreibt Marx, daß zwischen 1801 und 1831 der englischen Landbevölkerung 3 511 770 Acres Gemeindeland geraubt "und parlamentarisch den Landlords von den Landlords geschenkt wurden". (Siehe Band 23 unserer Ausgabe, S. 756.) 153

38 Unter landwirtschaftlichen Maschinen versteht hier Rodbertus die ihrer Fruchtbarkeit nach verschiedenen Bodenklassen. Den Vergleich der Bodenklassen mit Maschinen von verschiedener Effektivität entlehnte Rodbertus bei Malthus. 155

39 Der Terminus "Kostenpreis" wird hier im Sinne von "Produktionspreis" verwandt. Im 1. Teil der "Theorien über den Mehrwert" verwendet Marx den Terminus "Kostenpreis" im Sinne der "immanenten Produktionskosten" (siehe 1. Teil dieses Bandes, S. 68). Im 3. Teil der "Theorien über den Mehrwert" gebraucht Marx den Terminus "Kostenpreis" sowohl im Sinne des Produktionspreises wie auch im Sinne der Produktionskosten für den Kapitalisten.

Den Terminus "Kostenpreis" gebraucht Marx in verschiedenem Sinne: 1. im Sinne der Produktionskosten für den Kapitalisten (c + v); 2. im Sinne der "immanenten Produktionskosten" der Ware (c + v + m), die mit dem Wert der Ware zusammenfallen (vgl. I. Teil dieses Bandes, S. 68); und 3. im Sinne des Produktionspreises (c + v + Durchschnittsprofit).

Dieser unterschiedliche Gebrauch des Terminus "Kostenpreis" erklärt sich dadurch, daß das Wort "Kosten" in der Ökonomie in drei verschiedenen Bedeutungen gebraucht wurde, wie Marx hervorhebt (siehe 3. Teil dieses Bandes, S. 74-80 und 502/503): 1. im Sinne von Vorschuß, gezahlt vom Kapitalisten; 2. im Sinne des Preises des vorgeschossenen Kapitals plus Durchschnittsprofit und 3. im Sinne der realen (immanenten) Produktionskosten für die Ware selbst (= Wert).

Außer diesen drei Bedeutungen, die man bei den bürgerlichen Klassikern der politischen Ökonomie findet, gibt es noch eine vierte, vulgäre Bedeutung des Terminus "Kostenpreis". So sagt Say in seiner Schrift "Traité' d'économie politique" (2. Aufl., Bd. III, Paris 1814, S. 453), Kostenpreis sei das, was für die produktiven Dienste der Arbeit, des Kapitals und Bodens bezahlt wird. Diese vulgäre Auffassung vom "Kostenpreis" hat Marx entschieden zurückgewiesen (siehe vorl. Band, S. 125/126, 213, 470). 158

40 Adam Smith, "An inquiry into the nature and causes of the wealth of nations. With notes and an additional volumen, by David Buchanan." Band II, Edinburgh 1814, S. 55. Die Fußnote Buchanans wird zitiert nach Ricardo "On the principles of political economy, and taxation", 3. Ausgabe, London 1821, S. 66, Note. 159

41 Say, "Traité d'économie politique...". 5. Ausgabe, Band I, Paris 1826, S. LXXXIII bis LXXXIV (oder auch: Sechste Ausgabe, Paris 1841, S. 41). 163

42 Marx rechnete zu den 12 Kapiteln (VIII-XVIII und XXIX) in Ricardos Buch, die sich mit der Steuer im eigentlichen Sinn des Wortes beschäftigen, noch die Kapitel XXII und XXIII ("Exportprämien und Einfuhrverbote" und "Über Produktionsprämien") hinzu. 164

43 Unter "in die K o n s u m t i o n ü b e r h a u p t eingehenden Lebensmitteln" versteht Marx hier einerseits die individuellen Konsumtionsmittel der Arbeiter und andererseits die HilfsStoffe, die industrielle Konsumtionsmittel für die Maschinen sind (wie Kohle, Schmieröl usw.). 170

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44 Der Durchschnittsprofit beträgt nur in dem Fall 20 5/26 %, wenn die vom Manufakturisten und vom Pächter verausgabten Kapitalien gleich sind. Zieht man aber den Unterschied in der Größe der verausgabten Kapitalien in Betracht: 800 l. bei dem Pächter und 1300 l. bei dem Manufakturisten (insgesamt 2100 l.), so ist bei dem Gesamtprofit beider (= 400) der Durchschnittsprofit (400 x 100)/2100 = 19 1/21 %. 184

45 Über die Ansichten von Malthus, Torrens, James Mill und McCulloch siehe die entsprechenden Abschnitte im 3.Teil dieses Bandes. 188

46 Unter dem "numerischen Verhältnis oder dem proportionellen Größenverhältnis" der verschiedenen Gruppen von Unternehmern versteht Marx hier die Menge der Produkte, die von jeder dieser Gruppen auf den Markt gebracht werden. 202

47 Corbet, "An inquiry into the causes and modes of the wealth of individuals...", London 1841. Corbet behauptet in diesem Buch, S. 42-44, daß in der Industrie die Preise durch die Waren reguliert werden, die man unter den besten Bedingungen produziert und die nach seiner Meinung gerade die überwiegende Masse aller Waren der gegebenen Art darstellen. 202

48 Es wird vorausgesetzt, daß die Durchschnittsprofitrate 10% beträgt. 217

49 Sir James Steuart, "An inquiry into the principles of political oeconomy...", Dublin 1770, Bd. I, S. 171. Vgl. auch Karl Marx, "Grundrisse der Kritik der politischen Ökonomie", Berlin 1953, S. 742. 230

50 Die Feststellung, daß die ganze Masse der Rente (die absolute Rente und die Differentialrente zusammengenommen) gleich ist der Differenz zwischen dem Marktwert und dem Kostenpreis, wird von Marx weiter unten ausführlich betrachtet (vgl. vorl. Band, S. 290). 256

51 Die 16/65 l. ergeben sich aus der Subtraktion des individuellen Werts der Tonne Kohle = 1 3/5 l. von ihrem neuen Marktwert = 1 11/13 l. 257

52 Die vorhergehenden Beispiele betrafen nicht die Landwirtschaft, sondern die Exploitation von Kohlengruben verschiedener Ergiebigkeit. Aber alles, was über diese Gruben gesagt wird, ist auch in der Landwirtschaft auf Böden von verschiedener Fruchtbarkeit anwendbar. 258

53 Unter Differentialwert versteht Marx den Unterschied zwischen Marktwert und individuellem Wert (siehe vorl. Band, S. 261). Marx bestimmt den Differentialwert je Maßeinheit des Produkts, die Differentialrente dagegen für das ganze in der gegebenen Klasse produzierte Produkt. Wenn der Marktwert der Maßeinheit des Produkts größer ist als dessen individueller Wert, bildet die Differenz eine positive Größe, wenn dagegen der Marktwert geringer ist als der individuelle Wert, bildet diese Differenz eine negative Größe. Daher die Zeichen + und - in der von Marx gegebenen Aufstellung auf der Seite 574 seines Manuskripts (siehe die Einlage zwischen Seite 260 und 261 des vorl. Bandes).

In den Tabellen C, D und E auf der Seite 572 des Manuskripts (siehe vorl. Band, S . 260) stellt Marx die Zeichen + und - vor die Zahlen, die in Pfund Sterling die Größe der Differentialrente ausdrücken. Zum Beispiel steht in der Tabelle C in der Spalte "Differentialrente" die negative Größe "-9 3/13 l.". Das bedeutet, daß in dem gegebenen Fall die Fruchtbarkeit des Bodens der Klasse I so gering ist, daß auf ihm bei dem vorhanden

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Marktwert nicht nur keine Differentialrente erzielt werden kann, sondern sogar die absolute Rente hier erheblich unter ihre normale Größe fällt. Im Falle I C beträgt die absolute Rente insgesamt nur 10/13 l., d.h., sie ist um 9 3/13 l. niedriger als ihre normale Größe, die im gegebenen Beispiel 10 l. ausmacht.

In der Aufstellung auf der Seite 574 des Manuskripts drückt Marx dieselbe Erscheinung der negativen Differentialrente mit Hilfe des negativen Differentialwerts aus und setzt in diesen Fällen in die Spalte "Differentialrente" einfach die Ziffer "0", die hier das Fehlen der positiven Differentialrente angibt (die negative Differentialrente äußert sich durch entsprechende Verkleinerung der absoluten Rente, die sich in der Spalte "Absolute Rente" widerspiegelt). Die Übertragung der negativen Größen in die Spalte "Differentialwert" beseitigt die Unbequemlichkeit, die in der Tabelle C entstand, als es notwendig war, die Differentialrente der verschiedenen Klassen zu addieren: In die Summe gingen nur die positiven Differentialrenten mit dem + Zeichen versehen ein, während die negative Größe "-9 3/13 l." bei der Summierung der Differentialrenten zur Vermeidung einer doppelten Rechnung einfach als Null betrachtet wurde. Darum legte Marx zur Berechnung der negativen Differentialrenten in seiner Aufstellung eine besondere Rubrik an: "Differentialwert per Tonne", in die er auch die negativen Differentialwerte aufnahm. 261

54 Unmittelbar nach diesen Worten folgt eine Zusammenstellung der Tabellen A, B, C und D, die alle hier aufgezählten Rubriken enthält. Auf der folgenden Seite 574 des Manuskripts werden noch einmal in einer geordneteren Form alle Daten der Tabellen A, B, C und D übertragen und die entsprechenden Daten der Tabelle £ hinzugefügt. Die Wiedergabe der Zusammenstellung auf Seite 573 des Manuskripts erübrigt sich, da Marx die hier enthaltenen Daten vollständig in seine Aufstellung auf Seite 574 übernommen hat.

(Siehe die Einlage zwischen Seite 260 und 261 des vorl. Bandes). 261

55 Marx, "Zur Kritik der Politischen Oekonomie". 1. Heft. Berlin 1859. (Siehe auch Band 13 unserer Ausgabe, S. 51.) 263

56 In dem von Marx angeführten Beispiel geht das Produkt, dessen Produktion vom Grundeigentum abhängt, proportional gleichmäßig in beide Bestandteile des vorgeschossenen Kapitals ein. Marx nimmt an, daß ungeachtet der Vergrößerung des konstanten Kapitals (88c statt 80c, infolge der Verteurung des Rohstoffes) und des variablen Kapitals (22 v statt 20 v, infolge der Verteurung der Konsumtionsmittel der Arbeiter) der Wert des Produkts nach wie vor gleich 120 bleibt. Das konnte nur deshalb geschehen, weil sich der von den Kapitalisten angeeignete Mehrwert von 20 auf 10 verringert hat. Eine solche Verminderung des Mehrwerts ist dadurch bedingt, daß sich die Differentialrente, die auf einem produktiveren Bodenabschnitt in Verbindung mit dem Übergang zur Exploitation weniger produktiver Bodenabschnitte anstieg, um 10 Einheiten erhöhte. Auf diese Weise unterliegt hier der neugeschaffene Wert, der nach wie vor 40 ist (da die Produktionsweise dieselbe ist), folgender Neuverteilung: 10 Einheiten bilden jetzt den Mehrwert, die dem Kapitalisten zufallen, 20 Einheiten fallen auf das variable Kapital und 10 Einheiten dienen der Vergrößerung der Differentialrente, die durch die Vergrößerung des Werts des konstanten Kapitals um 8 Einheiten und die des Werts des variablen Kapitals um 2 Einheiten erfolgt. Auf den Seiten 684-686 des Manuskripts (siehe vorl. Band, S. 455-458) betrachtet Marx einen ähnlichen Fall. 276

57 Marx gebraucht hier, und zuweilen auch später, den Terminus P r o d u k t i o n s k o s t e n im Sinne der Kosten der Produktion plus dem Durchschnittsprofit. Eine analoge Anwendung des Terminus "Produktionskosten" findet sich auch an einzelnen Stellen des dritten Bandes des "Kapitals". Siehe Band 25 unserer Ausgabe, S. 665, 686, 745, 747 und 748. 289

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58 Über die Kolonisationstheorie Wakefields schreibt Marx im "Kapital", erster Band, 25. Kapitel. (Siehe Band 23 unserer Ausgabe, S. 792-802.) 297

59 Im vorhergehenden Kapitel zeigte Marx, daß Klasse l in Tabelle D "ganz passiv" ist (siehe vorl. Band, S. 289). Nicht I bestimmt den Markt, "sondern IV, III, II gegen es" (siehe vorl. Band, S. 291). 316

60 Unter the market cost-price [dem Markt-Kostenpreis] versteht Marx den allgemeinen Kostenpreis, der die Marktpreise der Waren in einer bestimmten Produktionssphäre reguliert. (Siehe vorl. Band, S. 119/120.) 317

61 Unter "absoluter Rente" versteht Marx in diesem Passus sowie in den Tabellen A-D (Einlage zwischen S. 324 und 325 des vorl. Bandes) die Rate der absoluten Rente. 324

62 Ricardo bezeichnet die Rente als "eine Schöpfung von Wert" in dem Sinne, daß sie den Grundeigentümern die Möglichkeit gibt, über den Wertzuwachs des gesamten gesellschaftlichen Produkts zu verfügen, der nach Ricardo durch die wachsende Schwierigkeit bei der Produktion irgendeines Teils des Getreides entsteht. Im XXXII. Kapitel seines Buches kritisiert Ricardo die Ansicht Malthus' von der Rente als "einem eindeutigen Gewinn und einer Neubildung von Reichtum" und stellt die These auf, daß die Rente dem Reichtum der Gesellschaft nichts hinzufügt, sondern nur "einen Teil des Wertes des Getreides und der Waren von ihren früheren Besitzern auf die Grundeigentümer überträgt." (Siehe Ricardo, "On the principles...", London 1821, S. 484 und 485.) Vgl. auch vorl. Band, S. 551/552. 340

63 Gemeint ist Rodbertus' These, der Wert des Rohmaterials gehe nicht in die Produktionskosten landwirtschaftlicher Produkte ein. (Siehe vorl. Band, S. 39-47.) 341

64 Beide in diesem Abschnitt wiedergegebenen Zitate von Smith werden von Marx nicht in der französischen Übersetzung von Garnier gebracht, sondern sind den Seiten 227 und 229/230 der dritten Ausgabe von Ricardos "Principles of political economy", London 1821, entnommen. 367

65 Weiter folgt im Manuskript ein Abschnitt, in dem das, was Ricardo über seine eigenen Auffassungen von der Rente sagt, analysiert wird. Dieser Teil, durch einen Strich von dem vorhergehenden Text getrennt, ist eine Ergänzung zu den Kapiteln, in denen Marx die Rententheorie Ricardos betrachtet. Seinem Inhalt nach gehört er zu dem dreizehnten Kapitel, wo er auch aufgenommen wurde (siehe vorl. Band, S. 313/314).

Diesem Abschnitt folgt im Manuskript eine in runde Klammern eingeschlossene Ergänzung zur Analyse der Ricardoschen Theorie der Kostenpreise, die von Marx im zehnten Kapitel gegeben wird. Diese Ergänzung wurde daher in das zehnte Kapitel aufgenommen (siehe vorl. Band, S. 214). 374

66 Weiter folgt im Manuskript (Seite 641) ein Abschnitt, der die Ansichten Adam Smiths über die Wohnungsmiete betrifft. Dieser Abschnitt wurde in das vierzehnte Kapitel aufgenommen (siehe vorl. Band, S. 366/367). 386 67 Im Manuskript (Seite 642/643) schließt sich hier ein Abschnitt an, der von den gegensätzlichen Veränderungen im Wert des konstanten und des variablen Kapitals handelt. Dieser Abschnitt, der eine Ergänzung zu den Manuskriptseiten 640/641 ist, wird auf den Seiten 384 bis 386 des vorl. Bandes wiedergegeben. 387 68 Diese Definition des Monopolpreises gibt Ricardo im XVII. Kapitel seines Buches "On the principles of political economy, and taxation" (dritte Ausgabe, London 1821,

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S. 289/290). Eine von Adam Smith gegebene analoge Definition des Monopolpreises wird von Marx weiter oben angeführt (siehe vorl. Band, S. 343). 390

69 Marx weist auf die Abschnitte IV und V des ersten Kapitels von Ricardos Buch "On the principles of political economy, and taxation" hin, wo Ricardo die Frage untersucht, ob eine Erhöhung oder Senkung des Arbeitslohns die "relativen Werte der Waren" beeinflußt, die von Kapitalien verschiedener organischer Zusammensetzung produziert werden. Eine ausführliche kritische Untersuchung der beiden Beispiele Ricardos gab Marx auf S. 171 ff. des vorl. Bandes. 393

70 Marx zeichnet hier als Beispiel eine der Richtungen auf, in der der Prozeß der Annäherung der organischen Zusammensetzung des landwirtschaftlichen Kapitals an die des industriellen Kapitals stattfinden kann. Als Ausgangspunkt nimmt Marx 60c + 40v für das landwirtschaftliche Kapital und 80c + 20v für das nicht-landwirtschaftliche Kapital.

Marx unterstellt, daß infolge der Erhöhung der Produktivität der landwirtschaftlichen Arbeit die Arbeiterzahl in der Landwirtschaft um ein Viertel vermindert wird. Es verändert sich also die organische Zusammensetzung des landwirtschaftlichen Kapitals: das Produkt, das früher die Verausgabung eines Kapitals von 100 Einheiten (60c + 40v) erforderte, verlangt jetzt die Ausgabe eines Kapitals von nur 90 Einheiten (60 + 30v), was bei einer Umrechnung auf 100 Einheiten 66 2/3 c + 33 1/3 v ergibt. Auf diese Weise nähert sich die organische Zusammensetzung des landwirtschaftlichen Kapitals der des industriellen Kapitals.

Marx nimmt weiter an, daß gleichzeitig mit der Verminderung der Zahl der landwirtschaftlichen Arbeiter auch noch der Lohn, bedingt durch eine Verbilligung des Getreides, um ein Viertel gesenkt wird. In diesem Falle ist unbedingt anzunehmen, daß auch in der Industrie der Arbeitslohn in dem gleichen Verhältnis gesenkt wird. Jedoch muß sich die Lohnsenkung auf das landwirtschaftliche Kapital, das eine niedrigere organische Zusammensetzung hat, in einem höheren Grad auswirken als auf das nicht-landwirtschaftliche Kapital. Das würde zu einer neuen Verringerung des Unterschieds zwischen der organischen Zusammensetzung des landwirtschaftlichen Kapitals und der des industriellen Kapitals führen.

Das landwirtschaftliche Kapital von 66 2/3 c + 33 1/3 v wird sich bei einer Lohnsenkung um ein Viertel in ein Kapital von 66 2/3 c + 25 v verwandeln, was bei einer Umrechnung auf 100 Einheiten 72 8/11 c + 27 3/11 v ergibt.

Das nicht-landwirtschaftliche Kapital von 80c + 20v wird sich bei einer Lohnsenkung um ein Viertel in ein Kapital von 80c + 15v verwandeln, was bei einer Umrechnung auf 100 Einheiten 84 4/19 c + 15 15/19 v ergibt.

Bei einer weiteren Verminderung der Zahl der landwirtschaftlichen Arbeiter und bei einer weiteren Lohnsenkung wird sich die organische Zusammensetzung des landwirtschaftlichen Kapitals noch mehr der des nicht-landwirtschaftlichen Kapitals nähern.

Marx abstrahiert hier bei der Betrachtung dieses hypothetischen Falls zur Erklärung des Einflusses, den das Anwachsen der Produktivität der Arbeit in der Landwirtschaft auf die organische Zusammensetzung des landwirtschaftlichen Kapitals hat, von dem gleichzeitigen in der Mehrheit der Fälle noch schnelleren Anwachsen der Produktivität der Arbeit in der Industrie, das sich in einer weiteren Erhöhung der organischen Zusammensetzung des industriellen Kapitals im Vergleich zum landwirtschaftlichen ausdrückt. Über das Verhältnis zwischen der organischen Zusammensetzung des Kapitals in

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der Industrie und der in der Landwirtschaft siehe weiter vorl. Band, S. 12-14, 87, 102/103 und 242/243. 394

71 Bei der Numerierung der Manuskriptseiten ließ Marx die 649 aus. 397

72 Marx bezieht sich auf die Broschüre von Hume "Thoughts on the corn laws...", London 1815, S. 59. Hume, der sich mit der These von Adam Smith beschäftigt, "the price of labour is governed by the price of corn" [der Preis der Arbeit wird durch den Preis des Korns bestimmt], erklärt hier, daß Adam Smith "in speaking of corn must be understood to be speaking of food, because the value of all agricultural produce ... has a naturally tendency to equalize itself" [wenn er von Korn spricht, verstanden werden muß, daß er von Nahrung spricht, weil der Wert aller landwirtschaftlichen Produkte... eine natürliche Tendenz hat, sich auszugleichen]. 404

73 Marx verweist hier auf den Abschnitt, der im Heft III seines Manuskripts von 1861/1863 auf der Seite 95 b beginnt und betitelt ist "2. Absoluter Mehrwert". Die Stelle, auf die sich Marx bezieht, befindet sich im Unterabschnitt "Gleichzeitige Arbeitstage" auf den Seiten 102-104 dieses Manuskripts. 412

74 Marx meint den durch die zwanzig Arbeiter neugeschaffenen Wert: in einer Arbeitsstunde wird von diesen zwanzig Arbeitern ein Wert von 2 l. und in einem Arbeitstag von 14 Stunden ein Wert von 28 l. geschaffen. Das Produkt der zwanzig Arbeiter von 28 l, setzt sich zusammen aus 10 Stunden notwendiger Arbeit gleich 20 l. plus 4 Stunden Surplusarbeit gleiche 8 l. 413 75 Der Wert des Gesamtprodukts enthält den auf das Produkt übertragenen Wert (c) und den neugeschaffenen Wert (v + m). Da Marx im gegebenen Fall von dem fixen Kapital abstrahiert, besteht der übertragene Wert hier aus dem Wert des Rohstoffs, In dem zu betrachtenden Beispiel ist der Wert des Rohstoffs gleich 93 1/3 l. (in einer Stunde werden 133 1/3 lbs. Baumwolle zu Twist verarbeitet, in 14 Stunden 1866 2/3 lbs.; 1 Ib. Baumwolle kostet 1 sh.). Zusammen mit dem neugeschaffenen Wert (28 l.) ergibt dies 121 1/3 l. 413

76 Marx hat hier solche Kritiker Ricardos im Auge wie Say, der z.B. in der Einleitung zur fünften Ausgabe seines Buches "Traité d'économie politique...", Paris 1826, Ricardo vorwirft, er "de raisonner quelquefois sur des principes abstraits auxquels il donne trop de généralité" [urteile zuweilen aus abstrakten Prinzipien, die allzusehr von ihm verallgemeinert werden], wobei solche Schlußfolgerungen zustande kommen, die nicht der realen Wirklichkeit entsprechen. (Siehe obengenannte Ausgabe, S. LXXXI oder die sechste Ausgabe, Paris 1841, S. 40/41.) 440

77 Die Gesamttonnenzahl 51 11/39 erhält man durch folgende Berechnung: Produzieren 16 2/3 Arbeiter in der Klasse III der Tabelle E (siehe die Einlage zwischen den Seiten 452 und 453 des vorl. Bandes) 62 1/2 Tonnen, dann werden bei gleicher Produktivität der Arbeit 13 79/117 Arbeiter (13 79/117 x 62 1/2) / 16 2/3 = 51 11/39 Tonnen produzieren. 456

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79 Exhibitation (1862) - die am 1. Mai 1862 in London eröffnete Weltausstellung, auf der Muster landwirtschaftlicher und industrieller Erzeugnisse, Kunstwerke und die neuesten Errungenschaften der Wissenschaft gezeigt wurden. 461

80 Die hier zitierte Bemerkung Ricardos zu den Ansichten Says über das Verhältnis von Profit und Zins wiederholte Marx auf der Seite 736 seines Manuskripts, setzte sie aber als nicht zugehörig zu dem, was auf der Seite 736 gesagt wird, in eckige Klammern und versah die Schlußworte Ricardos "...it is impossible for any circumstances to make them change places" [unter keinen Umständen ist es möglich, sie ihre Plätze wechseln zu lassen] mit der Entgegnung: "Letzteres positiv falsch 'under certain circumstances'" [unter gewissen Umständen].

Im dritten Band des "Kapitals", 22. Kapitel, zeigt Marx die Möglichkeit einander entgegengesetzter Bewegungen der Profitrate und des Zinsfußes in den Phasen der kapitalistischen Zyklen. (Siehe Band 25 unserer Ausgabe, S. 370-382.) 470

81 Hier kehrt Marx zum Einfluß des Außenhandels, vor allem des Kolonialhandels, auf die Durchschnittsprofitrate zurück. Wie Marx darlegt, vertrat Smith in dieser Frage einen klareren Standpunkt als Ricardo. (Siehe vorl. Band, S. 377/378 und 438-440 sowie Band 25 unserer Ausgabe, S. 247-250.) 470

82 Dieses Beispiel basiert auf der Voraussetzung, daß man bei einer wachsenden Produktivität der Arbeit von 20 qrs. Weizen, der als Samen verausgabt wurde, eine um die Hälfte größere Ernte erhält als früher. Wenn, sagen wir, vorher die Ernte 100 qrs. betrug, so beträgt sie jetzt, bei Verausgabung der früheren Arbeitsmenge, 150 qrs. Aber diese 150 qrs. kosten ebensoviel wie früher die 100 qrs., das heißt 300 l. Vorher machte der Samen (sowohl der Menge der Quarter wie auch dem Werte nach) 20% aus, jetzt nur noch 13 1/3 %. 475

83 Die in Klammern gesetzten Worte "Sieh McCulloch" trug Marx nachträglich mit dem Bleistift ein. In einem Brief an Engels vom 20. August 1862 sprach er zum erstenmal den Gedanken über die Ausnutzung des Amortisationsfonds zum Zwecke der Akkumulation aus. Auf diesen Brief bezog er sich am 24. August 1867 und teilte mit daß er später darüber bei McCulloch einige Andeutungen gefunden habe. (McCulloch, "The principles of political economy...", Edinburgh 1825, S. 181/182.) Marx kehrt zu dieser Frage auf den Seiten 777 und 781 seines Manuskripts zurück. (Siehe 3. Teil dieses Bandes, S. 54-63.) 481

84 Marx, "Zur Kritik der Politischen Oekonomie". 1. Heft. Berlin 1859. (Siehe auch Band 13 unserer Ausgabe, S. 77/78, 118 und 122/123). 493

85 Say, "Traité d'économie politique", Zweite Auflage, Band II, Paris 1814, S. 382: "Produkte werden nur gegen Produkte ausgetauscht." Diese Formulierung Says kehrt fast wörtlich bei Ricardo wieder. Marx kritisiert diese Auffassung im vorl. Band, S. 499505 und im 3. Teil dieses Bandes, S. 116. 493

86 Marx meint die Betrachtungen James Mills über das konstante und notwendige Gleichgewicht zwischen Produktion und Konsumtion, zwischen Angebot und Nachfrage, zwischen der Summe der Verkäufe und der Summe der Käufe. (James Mill, "Elements of political economy", London 1821, S. 186-195.) Diese Ansicht James Mills (die dieser zuerst in seiner 1808 in London erschienenen Broschüre "Commerce defended..." ausgesprochen hat) untersucht Marx in seiner Schrift "Zur Kritik der Politischen Oekonomie". 1. Heft. Berlin 1859. (Siehe auch Band 13 unserer Ausgabe, S. 78.) 493 504

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87 [Bailey,] "A critical dissertation on the nature, measures, and causes of value...", London 1825, S. 71-93. 495

88 Roscher, "Die Grundlagen der Nationalökonomie...", 3. Aufl., Stuttgart und Augsburg 1858, S. 368-370. 498

89 Marx verweist auf den Abschnitt "Die Metamorphose der Waren" in seiner Arbeit "Zur Kritik der Politischen Oekonomie". 1. Heft. Berlin 1859. (Siehe auch Band 13 unserer Ausgabe, S. 69-79.) 508

90 Marx bezieht sich auf den Teil seiner Untersuchungen, der in der Folge zum dritten Band des "Kapitals" anwuchs. 514

91 Kurze Bemerkungen über die Formen der Krise skizzierte Marx bald danach auf den Umschlägen von Heft XIII (Seite 770a des Manuskripts) und Heft XIV (S. 771a und 861 a). Der Text dieser Seiten wurde entsprechend Marx' Vermerk: "Zu S. 716" im vorhergehenden Abschnitt gebracht. (Siehe vorl. Band, S. 514518.) 518

92 Im Manuskript folgt hier eine kleine Einfügung über die Ansichten Ricardos vom Geld und vom Tauschwert. Diese Einfügung ist in Klammern gesetzt und mit dem Hinweis versehen, daß sie an einer anderen Stelle zu bringen sei, da sie den unmittelbaren Zusammenhang des Dargelegten störe. Demgemäß wird diese Einfügung als Fußnote auf der S. 505 des vorl. Bandes wiedergegeben. 520

93 Marx verweist auf die Hefte I-V seines Manuskripts von 18611863, besonders auf die darin enthaltenen Abschnitte über die Produktion des absoluten Mehrwerts und die Produktion des relativen Mehrwerts. 522

94 Im Manuskript folgt hier eine in Klammern gesetzte kurze Einfügung, die das Beispiel einer partiellen Krise - die Überproduktion "on Twist, hervorgerufen durch die Einführung der Spinnmaschine - zum Inhalt hat. Diese Einfügung wird als Fußnote auf der S. 521 des vorl. Bandes gebracht. 524 86 Marx spielt auf die von Say in seiner Schrift "Lettres à M.

Malthus", Paris-London 1820, S. 15 angestellten Betrachtungen an, daß die Ursache z.B. für die Überfüllung des italienischen Marktes mit englischen Waren in der ungenügenden Produktion jener italienischen Waren zu suchen ist, die gegen englische Waren ausgetauscht werden könnten. Diese Betrachtungen werden in der anonymen Broschüre "An inquiry into those principles...", London 1821, S. 15 zitiert und wurden von Marx in sein Exzerptheft XII aufgenommen (S. 12). Vgl. dazu auch Says These: "Die Stockung im Absatz mancher Produkte rührt von der Seltenheit mancher anderen her", die Marx im 1. Teil dieses Bandes, S. 239, kritisiert. 532

96 Th. Tooke, "A history of prices, and of the state of the circulation", Band I-VI, London 1838-1857. über den Einfluß der Witterungsbedingungen auf die Preise spricht Tooke an mehreren Stellen seiner sechsbändigen Arbeit, insbesondere aber im ersten Teil des IV. Bandes, der im Jahre 1848 erschien. 533

97 Sismondi erklärte die Krise als "la disproportion croissante entrt la production et la consommation" [die wachsende Disproportion zwischen der Produktion und der Konsumtion] ("Nouveaux principes d'économie politique ou de la richesse dans ses rapports avec la population", Paris 1827, S. 371), In seinem Buch "Das Elend der Philosophie..." sagt Marx, daß nach der Lehre Sismondis "das Einkommen abnimmt im Verhältnis, wie die Produktion gesteigert wird" (siehe Band 4 unserer Ausgabe, S. 71). Zur Betrachtung der Ansichten Sismondis über die Krisen kehrt Marx im 3. Teil der Theorien über den

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Mehrwert" zurück, wo er sowohl die wertvollen Elemente in der Konzeption Sismondis als auch die ihr eigenen Grundmängel hervorhebt (vgl. 3. Teil dieses Bandes, S. 48-51). 535

98 Steuart, "An inquiry into the principles of political oeconomy", Band I, Dublin 1770, S. 396. Diese Stelle wird von Marx in seinem ökonomischen Manuskript von 1857/1858 zitiert (siehe "Grundrisse der Kritik der politischen Ökonomie", Berlin 1953, S. 666). Vgl. auch den I. Teil dieses Bandes, S. 18 und Band 25 unserer Ausgabe, S. 794. 556

99 Aller Wahrscheinlichkeit nach meint Ricardo seine am 16. Dezember 1819 im englischen Unterhaus gehaltene Rede zum Antrag William De Crespignys, eine besondere Kommission einzusetzen, um Robert Owens Plan zur Liquidierung der Arbeitslosigkeit und zur Verbesserung der Lage der unteren Klassen zu untersuchen.

In dieser Rede sagte Ricardo, man dürfe im allgemeinen nicht leugnen, daß "machinery did not lessen the demand for labour" [Maschinerie die Nachfrage nach Arbeit nicht verminderte].(Siehe: The works and correspondence of David Ricardo. Hrsg. von Piero Sraffa, Band V, Cambridge 1952, S. 30.) 557

100 Über den Begriff "real wages" (Reallöhne) in der Auffassung Ricardos siehe vorl. Band, S. 403/404, 406/407, 418/419, 426 und 440/441. 560

101 Die als Beilagen zum 2. Teil der "Theorien über den Mehrwert" gebrachten kurzen Bemerkungen wurden von Marx auf den Umschlägen der Hefte XI, XII und XIII niedergeschrieben. Sie enthalten zusätzliches Material zu einigen im Haupttext dieses Bandes betrachteten Fragen. 589

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Literaturverzeichnis

einschließlich der von Marx erwähnten Schriften

Bei den von Marx zitierten Schriften werden, soweit sie sich feststellen ließen, die vermutlich von ihm benutzten Ausgaben angegeben. In einigen Fällen, besonders bei allgemeinen Quellenund Literaturhinweisen, wird keine bestimmte Ausgabe angeführt.

Einige Quellen konnten nicht ermittelt werden.

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[West, Edward:] Essay on the application of capital to land, with observations shewing the impolicy of any great restriction of the importation of corn, and that the bounty of 1688 did not Iower the price of it. By a fellow of University College, Oxford. London 1815. 108 117

- Price of corn and wages of labour, with observations upon Dr.

Smith's, Mr. Ricardo's, and Mr. Malthus's doctrines upon those subjects; and an attempt at an exposition of the causes of the fluctuation of the price of corn during the last thirty years. London 1826. 129

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Personenverzeichnis

Abraham a Santa Clara siehe Megerle, Hans Ulrich

Anderson, James (1739-1808) schottischer Ökonom, Vorläufer Ricardos in der Rententheorie. 28 83 107-110 114-118 122 124 140144 154 155 158 159 235-237 240 243 272 319 597

Arbuthnot, John englischer Farmer; Verfasser einer 1773 anonym erschienenen Schrift über den Zusammenhang zwischen den Lebensmittelpreisen und den Größen der Pachtgüter. 591

Bailey, Samuel (1791-1870) englischer Philosoph und Ökonom; trat gegen die Arbeitswerttheorie Ricardos vom Standpunkt der Vulgärökonomie auf, wies aber gleichzeitig auf einige Widersprüche in dessen ökonomischen Ansichten hin. 117 161 167 169 401 403 495

Banfield, Thomas Charles (1795-1880) englischer Ökonom. 18

Barton, John (Ende des 18. bis Anfang des 19. Jh.) englischer Ökonom, Vertreter der klassischen bürgerlichen politischen Ökonomie. 548 552 563 564 579-588

Bastion, Adolf (1826-1905) Forschungsreisender, Ethnologe, Professor an der Universität Berlin. 117

Blake, William (Ende des 18. bis etwa Mitte des 19. Jh.) englischer Ökonom, Verfasser einiger Schriften über Geldumlauf und Armenwesen. 460 461

Buchanan, David (1779-1848) englischer Publizist und Ökonom, Schüler und Kommentator von Adam Smith. 28 158 389 390 394

Carey, Henry Charles (1793-1879) amerikanischer Vulgärökonom, Protektionist, Verfechter der Klassenharmonie in der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft. 28 153 163 309 595

Chalmers, Thomas (1780-1847) schottischer Theologe und Ökonom, "einer der fanatischsten Malthusianer" (Marx). 238 460

Cobbett, William (1762-1835) englischer Politiker und Publizist bäuerlicher Herkunft; prominenter Vertreter des kleinbürgerlichen Radikalismus, kämpfte für die Demokratisierung der politischen Ordnung in England. 113 116

Constancio, Francisco Solana (1772-1846) portugiesischer Arzt, Diplomat und Schriftsteller; verfaßte verschiedene Geschichtswerke und übersetzte Arbeiten englischer Ökonomen wie Godwin, Malthus, Ricardo u. a. ins Französische. 403

Corbet, Thomas (19. Jahrhundert) englischer Ökonom, Anhänger Ricardos. 202 239 498

Darwin, Charles Robert (1809-1882) englischer Naturforscher, Begründer der Lehre von der Entstehung und Entwicklung der Pflanzen- und Tierarten. 110 114

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D'Avenant (Davenant), Charles (1656-1714) englischer Ökonom und Statistiker; einer der bedeutendsten Merkantilisten, 106 122

De Quincey, Thomas (1785-1859) englischer Schriftsteller und Ökonom, Kommentator Ricardos; seine Arbeiten widerspiegeln den Verfall und Niedergang der Ricardoschen Schule nach dem Tode Ricardos. 426 427 459

Dombasle, Christophe-Joseph-Alexandre Mathieu de (1777-1843)

französischer Agronom, 18

Emery, Charles Edward (geb. 1838) amerikanischer Erfinder. 578

Forster, Nathaniel (etwa 1726-1790) englischer Geistlicher; Verfasser einiger Arbeiten zu ökonomischen Fragen; trat für die Interessen der Arbeiter ein. 593

Fourier, François-Marie-Charles (1772 bis 1837) bedeutendster französischer utopischer Sozialist neben Saint-Simon. 228

Fullarton, John (1780-1849) englischer Ökonom, Verfasser von Arbeiten über Geldumlauf und Kredit, Gegner der Quantitätstheorie des Geldes. 498

Hallett, Frederic Francis (19. Jahrhundert) englischer Agronom. 461

Hansbrow (19. Jahrhundert) amerikanischer Erfinder. 578

Hawes (19. Jahrhundert) amerikanischer Erfinder. 578

Heinrich VII. (1457-1509) König von England (1485-1509). 236

Henry VII. siehe Heinrich VII.

Herbert, Claude-Jacques (1700-1758) französischer Ökonom, einer der Vorläufer Malthus'. 114

Hodgskin, Thomas (1787-1869) englischer Ökonom und Publizist, Vertreter des proletarischen Standpunktes gegenüber der klassischen bürgerlichen politischen Ökonomie; die Ricardoschen Theorien ausnutzend, verteidigte er die Interessen des Proletariats.

Er kritisierte den Kapitalismus vom Standpunkt des utopischen Sozialismus. 597

Hopkins, Thomas (Anfang des 19. Jh.) englischer Ökonom. 28 49 119 129 130 133 135 594

Hüllmann, Karl Dietrich (1765-1846) Historiker, verfaßte mehrere Arbeiten über die Geschichte des Mittelalters. 233

Harne, David (1711-1776) schottischer Philosoph, Agnostiker; Historiker und Ökonom; Freund und Berater von Adam Smith; vertrat eine Quantitätstheorie des Geldes; als theoretischer Ökonom noch Merkantilist, trat er in wirtschaftspolitischer Hinsicht für den Freihandel ein. 118

Hume, James Deacon (1774-1842) englischer Ökonom, Freihändler. 404 595 596

King, Gregory (1648-1712) englischer Statistiker. 587

Kirchmann, Julias Hermann von (1802-1884) Jurist, Publizist und Philosoph, entschiedener Liberaler; 1848 Abgeordneter der preußischen Nationalversammlung (linkes Zentrum) und 1849 der Zweiten Kammer; später Fortschrittler. 7 49 146 155 239

Ludwig XIV. (1638-1715) König von Frankreich (1643-1715). 130

Ludwig XV. (1710-1774) König von Frankreich (1715-1774). 130

Ludwig XVI. (1754-1793) König von Frankreich (1774-1792). 130

Malthus, Thomas Robert (1766-1834) englischer Geistlicher und Ökonom, Ideologe der verbürgerlichten Grundbesitzeraristokratie, Apologet des Kapitalismus, stellte die reaktionäre Theorie von der Übervölkerung auf, die das Elend der Werktätigen im Kapitalismus rechtfertigen sollte. 25 28 63 107-116 133 140 159 164 188 196 221 340 395 399 426 541 580 587 591 595 596

McCulloch (MacCulloch) John Ramsay (1789-1864) schottischer Ökonom, vulgarisierte die Lehre Ricardos, Apologet des Kapitalismus. 107 115 117 141 188 190 481

M'Cormick (MacCormick), Cyrus Hall (1809 bis 1884) amerikanischer Erfinder. 578

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Megerle, Hans Ulrich (Pseudonym: Abraham a Santa Klara) (16441709) Kanzelredner und Schriftsteller. 114

Mal, James (1773-1836) englischer Ökonom und Philosoph, vulgarisierte die Lehre Ricardos. 148 188 493 504 505

Mill, John Stuart (1806-1873) englischer Ökonom und positivistischer Philosoph; vulgarisierte die Lehre Ricardos und predigte die Harmonie zwischen den Profitinteressen der Bourgeoisie und den Lebensinteressen der Arbeiterklasse. Er wollte die Widersprüche des Kapitalismus durch Reform der Verteilungsverhältnisse überwinden. Sohn von James Mill. 43 116 502

Newman, Francis William (1797-1842) amerikanischer Philosoph und Ökonom. 17 32 319

Opdyke, George (1805-1880) amerikanischer Unternehmer und Ökonom. 28

Ovidius, Naso, Pablius (43 v.u.Z.-17 u.Z.) römischer Dichter. 117

Petty, Sir William (1623-1687) englischer Ökonom und Statistiker, "Begründer der modernen politischen Ökonomie, einer der genialsten und originellsten ökonomischen Forscher" (Marx); vertrat die klassische bürgerliche Arbeitswerttheorie. 105 106 122

Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph (1809-1865) französischer Publizist, Soziologe und Ökonom, Ideologe des Kleinbürgertums, einer der theoretischen Begründer des Anarchismus. 12 155

Quesnay, François (1694-1774) französischer Ökonom und Arzt, Begründer der physiokratischen Lehre. Sein Tableau Économique war und das "im zweiten Drittel des 18. Jahrhunderts, der Kindheitsperiode der politischen Ökonomie - ein höchst genialer Einfall, unstreitig der genialste, dessen sich die politische Ökonomie bisher schuldig gemacht hat" (Marx). 39

Quincey, Thomas de siehe De Quincey, Thomas Ramsay, Sir George (1800-1871) englischer Ökonom, einer der letzten Vertreter der klassischen bürgerlichen politischen Ökonomie. 582

Ricardo, David (1772-1823) englischer Ökonom; sein Werk bildet den Höhepunkt der klassischen bürgerlichen politischen Ökonomie. 11 -13 21 25-28 38 50 59 67 69 80 83 88-90 96 97 99-102 107 108 110 bis 119 122 125 126 135 140 145-155 158-201 203-211 213-215 218 219 226 233-249 252 268 271-273 288 296 302-315 317 bis 322 324-339 351 352 358 362-364 367 375-382 386-390 393-409 411 413 415 bis 442 444-447 450 451 Einlage zwischen S. 452 u. 453 454456 458 459 461-471 474 486 492-494 497-507 518 520-531 534-564 566-584

Rodbertus(-Jagetzoui), Johann Karl (1805 bis 1875) preußischer Grundbesitzer, Ökonom, Ideologe des verbürgerlichten Junkertums; Theoretiker des preußisch-junkerlichen "Staatssozialismus". 7 8 15 19 21 39-41 45 49-60 62 63 65-69 71 73 bis 77 79-87 90 94 95 99-101 106 107 117 120 122 145-156 174 235-239 243 341 591

Roscher, Wilhelm Georg Friedrich (1817-1894) Vulgärökonom, Begründer der älteren historischen Schule der politischen Ökonomie in Deutschland; bekämpfte den utopischen Sozialismus und die klassische bürgerliche politische Ökonomie; ersetzte die theoretische Analyse durch flachen Empirismus, leugnete die Existenz ökonomischer Gesetze. 114-117 125 126 208 498

Say, Jean-Baptiste (1767-1832) französischer Ökonom, systematisierte und vulgarisierte das Werk von Adam Smith; begründete die vulgärökonomische Lehre von den Produktionsfaktoren, indem er Boden, Kapital und Arbeit als selbständige Quellen für Rente, Profit und Lohn hinstellte (Trinitarische Formel.) 125 162 163 213 379 401 403 469 470 493 494 501 503 532 554 556

Sismondi, Jean-Charles-Léonard Simonde de (1773-1842) Schweizer Ökonom und Historiker; trat am Abschluß der klassischen

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bürgerlichen politischen Ökonomie auf und begründete die kleinbürgerliche Ökonomie. Er kritisierte den Kapitalismus "vom Standpunkt des Kleinbürgers" (Lenin) und idealisierte die Kleinproduktion. 111 380 535

Smith, Adam (1723-1790) bedeutendster englischer Ökonom vor Ricardo; er verallgemeinerte die Erfahrungen der kapitalistischen Manufakturperiode und des beginnenden Fabriksystems und gab der klassischen bürgerlichen politischen Ökonomie ihre entwickelte Gestalt. 21 100 118 146 147 150 158 161-164 166 167 197 207 209 210 213-234 237 238 240 243-245 248 304 305 309 315 317 318 328 332-375 377 390 397-402 404-406 408 415 416 419 421 426 428 437440 464 468-471 487 492 497 bis 499 525-528 542 554 556 570 581 591

Steuart (Stewart), Sir James (auch unter dem Namen Denham) (17121780) englischer Ökonom, einer der Vertreter des Merkantilismus, den er als Theoretiker systematisierte; Gegner der Quantitätstheorie des Geldes. 107 108 114 118 230 556

Stirling, Patrick James (1809-1891) englischer Vulgärökonom. 27 460

Storch, Heinrich Friedrich Von (Andrej Karlowitsch) (1766-1835)

Ökonom, Statistiker und Historiker, vulgarisierte die klassische bürgerliche politische Ökonomie; Mitglied der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu St. Petersburg. 92 289

Tarello da Lonalo, Camillo (16. Jahrhundert) italienischer Agrobiologe. 140

Tooke, Thomas (1774-1858) englischer Ökonom, kritisierte die Geldtheorie Ricardos, der "letzte englische Ökonom of any value" (Marx). 108 533

Torrens, Robert (1780-1864) englischer Ökonom, Vertreter des "Currency Principle". 188

Townsend, Joseph (1739-1816) englischer Geistlicher, Geologe und Soziologe; entwickelte eine Bevölkerungstheorie, aus der Malthus schöpfte. 108 114

Ure, Andrew (1778-1857) englischer Chemiker und Ökonom, Freihändler. 498

Wade, John (1788-1875) englischer Publizist, Ökonom und Historiker. 13

Wakefield, Edward Gibbon (1796-1862) britischer Staatsmann, Kolonialpolitiker und Ökonom. 238 297 401

Wallace, Robert (1697-1771) englischer Theologe und Statistiker; entwickelte eine Bevölkerungstheorie, aus der Malthus schöpfte. 114

Ward, W.H. (19. Jahrhundert) amerikanischer Erfinder. 578

West, Sir Edward (1782-1828) englischer Ökonom, entwickelte eine Grundrententheorie. 28 108 115 129 140 244

Whitney, Eli (1765-1825) amerikanischer Erfinder. 578

Wilson, James (1805-1860) englischer Politiker und Ökonom, Begründer und Redakteur des "Economist"; Finanzminister (18531858), Freihändler, Gegner der Quantitätstheorie des Geldes. 498

Young, Arthur (1741-1820) englischer Agronom und Ökonom, Vertreter der Quantitätstheorie des Geldes. 130

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Verzeichnis der Gewichte, Maße und Münzen

Gewichte

Tonne (ton) = 20 hundredweights 1016,05 kg

libra - altrömisches Gewicht (etwa 3/4 Pfund),

ferner das spanische und portugiesische Pfund 460 resp. 459 g

Maße

Acre (acre) = 4 roods 4046,7 m²

Elle 66,69 cm

Quarter (qr.) (englisches Hohlmaß) = 8 bushels ca. 291 l.

Bushel (bushel) = 8 gallons 36,349 l

Pinte (pint) = 1/8 gallon 0,568 l

Münzen *)

Pfund Sterling (pound Sterling, l.) = 20 Schilling 20,43 M

Schilling (Shilling, sh.) = 12 Pence 1,02 M

Penny (penny, pence, d.) = 4 Farthing 8,51 Pf.

Farthing (f.) = 1/4 Penny 2,12 Pf.

Guinee (guinea) (englische

Goldmünze) = 21 Schilling 21,45 M

Livre (im Englischen ein

Münzpfund, Pfund Sterling) 20,43 M

Franc (franc, fr., frs.) = 100 Centimes 80 Pf.

_____

*) Die Umrechnung in Mark und Pfennig bezieht sich auf das Jahr 1871 (1 Mark = 1/279 kg Feingold).

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Erklärung der Abkürzungen

b. (book) = Buch

cf. (confer) = vergleiche

ch. (chapter, chapitre) = Kapitel

d. (denarius) = Penny

ed., éd. (edition, Edition) = Ausgabe

edit. = herausgegeben

f. = Farthing

f.i. (for instance) = zum Beispiel

fr., frs. = Franc, Francs

ibid. (ibidem) = ebenda

i.e. (id est) = das ist, das heißt

l (liber) = Buch

l., liv. (livre) = Livre; im vorl. Band von Marx fast immer für

Pfund Sterling gesetzt

lb., Ibs. (libra, libras) = Pfund

l.c. (loco citato) = am angeführten Ort, ebenda

p. (page, pagina) = Seite, Buchseite

pass. (passim) = zerstreut, da und dort

p.c. (per cent, pro centum) = %, Prozent

qr., qrs. = Quarter, Quarters

sc. (scilicet) = nämlich

sh. (shilling) = Schilling

sq. (sequens) = folgende, die folgende Seite

sqq. (sequentes) = folgende, die folgenden Seiten

t. (tom, tome) = Band, Teil

v., vol. (volume) = Band

viz. (videlicet) = nämlich

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Inhalt

Achtes Kapitel. Herr Rodbertus. Abschweifung. Neue Theorie der Grundrente 7

1. Surplusmehrwert in der Landwirtschaft. Langsamere Entwicklung der Landwirtschaft im Vergleich zur Industrie unter den Bedingungen des Kapitalismus 7

2. Die Profitrate in ihrem Verhältnis zur Mehrwertrate. Der Wert des landwirtschaftlichen Rohmaterials als Element des konstanten Kapitals in der Landwirtschaft 15

3. Wert und Durchschnittspreis in der Landwirtschaft. Absolute Rente 19

a) Ausgleichung der Profitrate in der Industrie 19

b) Formulierung des Problems der Grundrente 24

c) Privateigentum an Grund und Boden als notwendige Bedingung für die Existenz der absoluten Rente. Zerfallen des Mehrwerts in der Landwirtschaft in Profit und Rente. 31

4. Rodbertus' These vom Nichteingehen des Werts des Rohmaterials in die landwirtschaftlichen Produktionskosten 39

5. Rodbertus' falsche Voraussetzungen der Rententheorie 49

6. Rodbertus' Unverständnis des Verhältnisses von Durchschnittspreis und Wert in der Industrie und in der Landwirtschaft. Das Gesetz des Durchschnittspreises 58

7. Rodbertus' falsche Auffassung von den Faktoren, die die Profitrate und die Rate der Grundrente bestimmen 65

a) Rodbertus' erste These 66

b) Rodbertus' zweite These 68

c) Rodbertus' dritte These 79

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8. Der wahre Kern des von Rodbertus entstellten Gesetzes 85

9. Differentialrente und absolute Rente in ihrem gegenseitigen Verhältnis. Der historische Charakter der Grundrente. Zu Smiths und Ricardos Untersuchungsmethoden 88

10. Rentrate und Profitrate. Verhältnis zwischen der Produktivität in der Landwirtschaft und in der Industrie auf den verschiedenen Stufen der historischen Entwicklung 100

Neuntes Kapitel. Bemerkungen über die Geschichte der Entdeckung des sogenannten Ricardoschen Gesetzes. Ergänzende Bemerkungen über Rodbertus (Abschweifung) 107

1. Entdeckung der Differentialrente durch Anderson. Entstellung der Ansichten Andersens im Interesse der Grundeigentümer durch seinen Plagiator Malthus 107 2. Entwicklung der Produktivkräfte als Grundprinzip Ricardos in der Einschätzung ökonomischer Erscheinungen. Malthus' Verteidigung der reaktionärsten Elemente der herrschenden Klassen. Faktische Widerlegung der Malthusschen Bevölkerungstheorie durch Darwin. 110

3. Roschers Verfälschung der Geschichte der Ansichten über die Grundrente. Beispiele der wissenschaftlichen Unbefangenheit Ricardos. Die Rente bei landwirtschaftlicher Produktion und bei industrieller Produktion. Doppelte Einwirkung der Konkurrenz 114

4. Rodbertus' Fehler und Verwirrung in der Frage des Verhältnisses zwischen Wert und Mehrwert bei Verteuerung der Produkte 120

5. Ricardos Negierung der absoluten Rente - eine Folge seiner Fehler in der Werttheorie 122

6. Ricardos These von dem ständigen Steigen der Getreidepreise.

Tabelle der durchschnittlichen Getreidepreise in den Jahren 16411859 126

7. Hopkins über den Unterschied zwischen der absoluten Rente und der Differentialrente und zwischen produktiver und unproduktiver Arbeit, über die Entstehung der Grundrente aus dem Privateigentum 129

8. Urbarmachungskosten. Perioden des Steigens der Getreidepreise und Perioden ihres Fallens (1641-1859) 136

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9. Anderson contra Malthus, Andersons These von der steigenden Produktivität der Landwirtschaft und ihrem Einfluß auf die Differentialrente 140

10. Haltlosigkeit der Rodbertusschen Kritik an der Rententheorie Ricardos. Rodbertus' Unverständnis der Besonderheiten der kapitalistischen Landwirtschaft 145

Zehntes Kapitel. Ricardos und A. Smiths Theorie über den Kostenpreis. (Widerlegung) 158

A. Ricardos Theorie über den Kostenpreis 158

1. Zusammenbruch der Theorie der Physiokraten und die weitere Entwicklung der Ansichten über die Grundrente 158

2. Ricardos Wertbestimmung durch die Arbeitszeit. Die historische Berechtigung und die Mängel seiner Untersuchungsweise 161

3. Ricardos Konfusion in der Frage des "absoluten" und "relativen" Werts. Sein Unverständnis der Wertformen 167

4. Ricardos Darstellung von Profit, Profitrate, Durchschnittspreisen etc. 170

a) Ricardos Verwechslung des konstanten und variablen Kapitals mit dem fixen und zirkulierenden Kapital. Seine falsche Erklärung der Veränderung der relativen Werte 170

b) Ricardos Verwechslung der Kostenpreise mit dem Wert und die hieraus entspringenden Widersprüche in seiner Werttheorie. Sein Unverständnis des Prozesses der Ausgleichung der Profitrate und der Verwandlung der Werte in Kostenpreise 187

5. Durchschnitts- oder Kostenpreise und Marktpreise 201

a) Einleitende Bemerkungen: Individueller Wert- und Marktwert; Marktwert und Marktpreis 201

b) Ricardos Verwechslung des Prozesses der Bildung des Marktwertes mit dem der Bildung der Kostenpreise 204

c) Die beiden Bestimmungen des "natürlichen Preises" bei Ricardo.

Veränderungen der Kostenpreise in Abhängigkeit von den Veränderungen in der Produktivität der Arbeit 209

B. Smiths Theorie über den Kostenpreis 214

1. Smiths falsche Voraussetzung der Theorie der Kostenpreise. Ricardos Inkonsequenz durch Beibehaltung der Smithschen Identifizierung von Wert und Kostenpreis 214

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2. Smiths Theorie von der "natürlichen Rate" des Arbeitslohns, des Profits und der Rente 220

Elftes Kapitel. Ricardos Renttheorie 235

1. Historische Bedingungen für die Entwicklung der Rententheorie durch Anderson und Ricardo 235

2. Ricardos fehlerhafte Erklärung der Kostenpreise und ihre Auswirkung auf seine Rententheorie 239

3. Unzulänglichkeit der Ricardoschen Definition der Rente 243

Zwölftes Kapitel. Tabellen nebst Beleuchtung über die Differentialrente. 250

1. Veränderungen in der Masse und Rate der Rente 250

2. Verschiedene Kombinationen der Differential- und der absoluten Rente. Die Tabellen A, B, C, D, E 253

3. Analyse der Tabellen 268

a) ad Tabelle A. Das Verhältnis zwischen individuellem Wert und Marktwert 269

b) Zusammenhang der Rententheorie Ricardos mit der Konzeption der sinkenden Produktivität der Landwirtschaft. Veränderungen der Rate der absoluten Rente in ihrem Verhältnis zu den Veränderungen der Profitrate. 271

c) Betrachtungen über den Einfluß des change im Wert von Lebensmitteln und Rohmaterial (also auch Wert der Maschinerie) auf die organische Zusammensetzung des Kapitals 274

d) Veränderungen der Gesamtrente in Abhängigkeit von der Veränderung des Marktwerts 286

Dreizehntes Kapitel. Ricardos Renttheorie. Schluß 304

1. Ricardos Voraussetzung der Nichtexistenz des Grundeigentums.

Übergang zu neuen Böden in Abhängigkeit von ihrer Lage und Fruchtbarkeit 304

2. Ricardos Behauptung, daß die Differentialrente unmöglich den Getreidepreis beeinflussen kann. Die absolute Rente als Ursache der Erhöhung der Preise für landwirtschaftliche Produkte 310

3. Smiths und Ricardos Auffassung vom "natürlichen Preis" des landwirtschaftlichen Produkts 315

4. Ricardo über Verbesserungen in der Landwirtschaft und ihren Einfluß auf die Grundrente 318

5. Ricardos Kritik an Smiths Rententheorie und an einigen Thesen von Malthus 328

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Vierzehntes Kapitel. A. Smiths Renttheorie 341

1. Widersprüche in der Problemstellung 341

2. Smiths These vom besonderen Charakter der Nachfrage nach landwirtschaftlichen Produkten. Physiokratisches Element in seiner Rententheorie 354

3. Smiths Erklärung des Verhältnisses zwischen Angebot und Nachfrage bei den verschiedenen Arten von Bodenprodukten. Seine Schlußfolgerungen für die Rententheorie 359

4. Smiths Analyse der Veränderungen der Preise für Bodenprodukte 367

5. Smiths Ansichten über die Bewegung der Rente und seine Einschätzung der Interessen der verschiedenen gesellschaftlichen Klassen 373

Fünfzehntes Kapitel. Ricardos Theorie über den Mehrwert 375

A. Ricardo über Profit und Rente 375

1. Ricardos Verwechslung der Gesetze des Mehrwerts mit den Gesetzen des Profits 375

2. Verschiedene Fälle der Veränderung der Profitrate 381

3. Gegensätzliche Veränderungen im Wert des konstanten und variablen Kapitals und ihr Einfluß auf die Profitrate 384

4. Ricardos Verwechslung von Kostenpreis und Wert in seiner Theorie vom Profit 387

5. Verhältnis von allgemeiner Profitrate und Rate der absoluten Rente. Einfluß der Lohnsenkung auf die Kostenpreise 389

B. Ricardo über Mehrwert 397

1. Quantum Arbeit und Wert der Arbeit 397

2. Wert des Arbeitsvermögens. Value of labour 402

3. Mehrwert 406

4. Relativer Mehrwert. Relativer Arbeitslohn 419

Sechzehntes Kapitel. Ricardos Profittheorie 428

1. Einzelne Fälle der Unterscheidung von Mehrwert und Profit bei Ricardo 428

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2. Bildung der allgemeinen Profitrate (average profits) (oder "general rate of profits") ("usual profits"). 435

a) Die gegebene Durchschnittsprofitrate als Ausgangspunkt der Ricardoschen Profittheorie 435

b) Ricardos falsche Auffassung vom Einfluß des Kolonialhandels wie überhaupt des Außenhandels auf die Profitrate 438

3. Gesetz vom Fall der Profitrate 440

a) Falsche Voraussetzungen in der Ricardoschen Auffassung vom Fall der Profitrate 440

b) Die Vorstellung Ricardos, daß die wachsende Rente die Profitrate nach und nach verschlingt 442

c) Verwandlung eines Teiles des Profits und eines Teiles des Kapitals in Rente. Veränderung der Größe der Rente in Abhängigkeit von der Menge der in der Landwirtschaft angewandten Arbeit 451

d) Historische Illustration des Steigens der Profitrate bei gleichzeitigem Steigen der Preise für landwirtschaftliche Produkte. Möglichkeit des Wachsens der Produktivität der Arbeit in der Landwirtschaft 460

e) Ricardo über das Fallen der Profitrate und seine Rententheorie 461

Siebzehntes Kapitel. Ricardos Akkumulationstheorie. Kritik derselben (Entwicklung der Krisen aus der Grundform des Kapitals) 471

1. Smiths und Ricardos Fehler, das konstante Kapital nicht in Betracht zu ziehen. Reproduktion der verschiedenen Teile des konstanten Kapitals 471

2. Wert des konstanten Kapitals und Wert des Produkts 474

3. Notwendige Bedingungen für die Akkumulation des Kapitals.

Amortisation des fixen Kapitals und ihre Rolle im Prozeß der Akkumulation 477

4. Wechselseitige Abhängigkeit der Produktionszweige im Prozeß der Akkumulation. Unmittelbare Verwandlung eines Teils des Mehrwerts in konstantes Kapital in der Landwirtschaft und im Maschinenbau 481

5. Verwandlung des kapitalisierten Mehrwerts in konstantes und variables Kapital 490

6. Problem der Krisen (Einleitende Bemerkungen). Zerstörung von Kapital durch Krisen 492

7. Abgeschmackte Leugnung der Überproduktion von Waren bei gleichzeitiger Anerkennung des Überflusses an Kapital 497

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8. Leugnung der allgemeinen Überproduktion durch Ricardo. Möglichkeit der Krise ergibt sich aus den inneren Gegensätzen der Ware und des Geldes 499

9. Ricardos falsche Ansicht von dem Verhältnis zwischen Produktion und Konsumtion unter den Bedingungen des Kapitalismus 506

10. Verwandlung der Möglichkeit der Krise zur Wirklichkeit. Die Krise als Erscheinung aller Widersprüche der bürgerlichen Ökonomie 508

11. Über die Formen der Krise 514

12. Widersprüche zwischen der Produktion und Konsumtion unter den Bedingungen des Kapitalismus. Umwandlung der Überproduktion leitender Konsumtionsartikel in die allgemeine Überproduktion 518

13. Zurückbleiben des Marktes hinter der steigenden Produktion.

Ricardos Auffassung von der unbeschränkten Nachfrage und der unbeschränkten Kapitalanwendung 524

14. Der Widerspruch zwischen der unaufhaltsamen Entwicklung der Produktivkräfte und der Beschränktheit des Konsums als Basis der Überproduktion. Der apologetische Charakter der Theorie von der Unmöglichkeit der allgemeinen Überproduktion 528

15. Ricardos Ansichten über die verschiedenen Arten der Akkumulation des Kapitals und über die ökonomischen Folgen der Akkumulation 535

Achtzehntes Kapitel. Ricardos Miscellanea. Schluß Ricardos (John Barton) 548

A. Gross und Net Einkommen 548

B. Maschinerie. Ricardo und Barton über den Einfluß der Maschinen auf die Lage der Arbeiterklasse 552

1. Ricardos Ansichten 552

a) Ricardo über die Verdrängung von Arbeitern durch die Maschinen 552

b) Ricardo über den Einfluß von Vervollkommnungen in der Produktion auf den Wert der Waren. Seine falsche Auffassung vom freiwerdenden Lohnfonds für entlassene Arbeiter 554

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c) Ricardos Ehrlichkeit; Revision seiner Ansichten über die Anwendung von Maschinen. Beibehalten falscher Voraussetzungen in seiner neuen Fragestellung 557

d) Ricardo über Folgen der Einführung von Maschinen für die Arbeiterklasse 566

2. Bartons Ansichten 579

a) Barton über die relativ abnehmende Nachfrage nach Arbeit im Prozeß der Akkumulation des Kapitals. Seine einseitige Auffassung der Wirkung der organischen Zusammensetzung des Kapitals in diesem Prozeß 579

b) Barton über die Bewegung des Arbeitslohns und das Wachstum der Bevölkerung 584

Beilagen

1. Frühe Formulierung der These über die konstante Übereinstimmung von Angebot und Zufuhr in der Landwirtschaft. Rodbertus und die Praktiker unter den Ökonomen des 18. Jahrhunderts 591

2. Nathaniel Forster über die Feindschaft zwischen den Grundeigentümern und den Gewerbetreibenden 593

3. Hopkins Ansicht über das Verhältnis zwischen Rente und Profit 594

4. Carey, Malthus und James Deacon Hume über Verbesserungen in der Landwirtschaft 595

5. Hodgskin und Andersen über das Wachsen der Produktivität der landwirtschaftlichen Arbeit 597

6. Abnahme der Profitrate 598

Anhang und Register

Fremdsprachige Zitate 601

Anmerkungen 672

Literaturverzeichnis 686

Personenverzeichnis 691

Verzeichnis der Gewichte, Maße und Münzen 695

Erklärung der Abkürzungen 696

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Illustrationen

Erste Seite des zweiten Teils der "Theorien über den Mehrwert" in der Handschrift von Marx (Seite 445 des Heftes X des Manuskripts von 1861-1863) 9

Eine Seite der "Theorien über den Mehrwert" in der Handschrift von Marx mit einer Tabelle der durchschnittlichen Weizenpreise 1641-1749 131